LAST DAYS OF THE BOYCOTT
(Commentary by Motti Besok, 'Davar', 1.2.94, (p.9)
The Arab boycott of Israel is disintegrating, said American Secretary of
State Warren Christopher to a group of American Jewish leaders. Morocco
and Tunisia no longer adhere to the instructions of the Arab League on
the boycott. Soon, additional Arab states will follow suit, led by Qatar
and Kuwait. Recently, at a press conference in Cairo, U.S. Secretary of
Commerce Ron Brown said that several Arab states will shortly announce
the cessation of the economic boycott against Israel. The press
conference took place after Brown met with Egyptian President Husni
Mubarak. The Commerce Secretary noted that the United States opposes the
Arab League's boycott policy and that the boycott also harms
Palestinians in the territories. He mentioned that Egypt has not
boycotted Israel since the two countries signed a peace agreement in
1979.
Statements about the death of the boycott have recently been made in
various places around the world, including by Arab leaders. King Hussein
of Jordan spoke last week about a warm peace with Israel and Qatar's
foreign minister (after speaking with Shimon Peres and Moshe Shahal in
London last week about a Qatar-Israel natural gas deal) said in
Washington that several Arab countries are prepared to act to abolish
the boycott. It should be noted that the Boycott Office, located in
Damascus, was to have met not long ago for a routine working meeting.
Hafez Assad, on the eve of his meeting with Bill Clinton, acted to
cancel the meeting.
According to an assessment by economists at the Israel Federation of
Chambers of Commerce, the boycott has caused about $44 billion in damage
to the Israeli economy since the country's establishment. One could
argue about the amount, but there is no doubt that the boycott has
harmed Israel's economy. Peace, then, may well bring a double or triple
benefit to the country's economy, leading to both open borders and the
boycott's abolition, with all its implications.
The boycott was imposed on Israel even before the establishment of the
state. In 1946, the Arab League decided to boycott products of the
Jewish residents of Palestine. In 1948, a short time after Israel was
established, the Arab League decided to prohibit all Arab countries from
purchasing Israeli products (the primary boycott), maintaining
commercial ties with international companies doing business with Israel
(the secondary boycott), or dealing with subsidiaries of these
companies. Later, Muslim countries such as Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan
and others joined the boycott. At first, the Boycott Office's central
bureau was located in Cairo, with branch offices in each Arab state.
Now, the central bureau is in Damascus. The Arab League's 'black list'
included the names of thousands of companies from around the world,
which traded with Israel or whose owners were Jews. Arab states are
prohibited from doing business with them.
The boycott list is updated every few months. For example, at a meeting
held about eight months ago, 13 companies were added to the list. Over
the years, Israel has tried to lessen the importance of the boycott. The
facts and figures prove that the boycott has had an effect on the
country. For example, of the 500 largest corporations in the world, only
seven have openly invested in Israel. When Coca Cola decided to enter
the Israeli market, its directors knew that it would lose the entire
Arab market, many times larger. Pepsi Cola entered the Israeli market
only a few years ago, since its directors preferred, until then, to
submit to the Arab boycott.
How did Israel contend with the boycott? It bought Coca Cola instead of
Pepsi, and Subarus instead of Mitsubishi. When no quality substitutes
were available, Israel bought the original products from companies which
submitted to the boycott, via middlemen and dummy companies. Because of
this, Israeli consumers bought products at a premium.
Israel contended with the boycott in exports as well. The policy of open
bridges across the Jordan River enabled local industry and agriculture
to export its products to Jordan, and from there to the Gulf states and
occasionally even to other Muslim countries. Peace with Egypt opened an
additional channel to Arab states for the Israeli economy, mainly to the
Gulf emirates. Dummy companies in Cyprus, Greece and western Europe
enabled local industry to export pharmaceuticals, irrigation equipment,
electronics, chemicals, seeds and other products to Arab countries, even
the most hostile to Israel among them.
Over the years, Israel attempted to fight the Arab boycott. There were
years that the struggle was more intensive than others. The struggle was
conducted along two main channels an attempt to convince countries to
enact laws against the boycott and an attempt to convince large
companies to trade with Israel. Success on both channels was very
limited.
In the United States, an anti-boycott law was passed in 1977, which
facilitated the prosecution of companies and directors who adhered to
the boycott; but it was a law of questionable effectiveness. France
acted hypocritically. On the one hand, it also enacted legislation in
1977 prohibiting compliance with the economic boycott. On the other
hand, only six weeks after the law was approved the then prime minister,
Raymond Barre, issued an ordinance determining that the law was valid
regarding the entire world, except for the Middle East. The ordinance
was rescinded only in 1980, after it was found to be illegal. With or
without a law, the large French companies continued to skip Israel,
frequently with exasperating cynicism such as in the L'Oreal affair
in 1991. Four other European Community countries also passed
anti-boycott laws Germany, Belgium, Luxembourg and the Netherlands
but it quickly became apparent that when the law did not jive with the
desire of the government or of the large industrial concerns, the
written law was nothing but a dead letter. All of Israel's efforts to
convince the European Community to legislate against the boycott were
fruitless.
Japan, which freely complied with the boycott for decades, changed its
line in 1991, after the Gulf War, though not out of any love for Israel.
It appears that ongoing American pressure, together with effective
pressure from the large American Jewish organizations, the approaching
economic crisis in Japan and the assessment that the Arab Boycott
Office's power was waning, convinced the authorities in Tokyo to begin
to smile in Israel's direction as well. In the United States, two laws
were passed in 1991 which determined that foreign companies which
complied with the boycott would not be able to participate in Pentagon
and State Department tenders. On 18 November 1991, the Saudi ambassador
to the United Nations declared that if Israel stopped building new
settlements [in the territories] the Arab countries would cease the
boycott.
On 8 June 1993, Kuwait's foreign minister officially announced that his
country was halting the secondary boycott of Israel. According to him,
the decision 'would aid Kuwait's national interest,' and 'other Arab
countries have also lifted the boycott.' Leaders of the Gulf states met
on 21 December 1993 in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia to discuss easing the
boycott of Israel. In a television interview, Oman's foreign minister
said that 'the lifting of the boycott may act to our benefit.'
Israel, partly as a result of American inspiration, expected and
believed that the signing of the Declaration of Principles with the PLO
would lead to the beginning of the end of the boycott. Arab spokesmen,
first and foremost Palestinian spokesmen, attempted to cool Jerusalem
off. Thus, for example, Dr. Nabil Sha'ath, at a press conference at the
State Department in Washington on 1 October 1993, said that the boycott
would be lifted only after a comprehensive peace was established in the
Middle East, between Israel and the Arabs including with the
Palestinians. However, Sha'ath and reality are two separate things. The
declarations by American Secretaries Christopher and Brown on the one
hand, and statements by King Hussein and Qatar's foreign minister on the
other, as well as the tremendous interest of large economic
organizations, including multinational concerns, in trade with and
investment in Israel, are proof that the boycott currently exists mainly
on paper and much less in reality.