THE WOUNDS WILL HEAL, BUT SLOWLY
(Commentary by Sever Plocker, "Yediot Ahronot", Jan 31, 1995, p.1)
The eulogy for the capital gains tax is both an economic and political
one.
The Government believes that it can cleanse itself from the shame of the
capital gains tax like swans coming out of a lake it will just flap its
wet wings, and its feathers will become instantly dry and fresh. No way.
During the capital gains affair, the opposite of the ugly duckling story
happened to the Government. The beginning was clean, and the end was
dirty. Just like a truck driving through a deep puddle splashes black mud
on all by-standers, the capital gains tax affected everyone who dealt with
it, came in contact with it, gave birth to it, and killed it.
The wounds will heal, but slowly. The damage will last for years.
* THE STOCK MARKET'S STANDING HAS BEEN AFFECTED: It was not the tax that
paralyzed the stock exchange, since not one cent of tax was actually paid
or transferred to the Finance Ministry. Fear of the tax paralyzed it. Fear
of the tax reduced the amount of business transactions, terminated stock
issues, canceled privatization, and scared away hundreds of thousands of
Israelis from provident and mutual funds. NIS 15 billion flowed out of the
stock market.
Moreover, the general public lost confidence in the stability and immunity
of the securities exchange, its life-sustaining drug. Many months will
pass until the small investor, burned and wounded in 1994, decides to put
his money back in stocks. Tens of thousands of citizens lost something
some only lost paper profits, while others lost real savings. They have
become much poorer and bitter, and have a serious question for the
Government and the leadership: Why did you force us to swallow the capital
gains tax "frog," if we were just going to vomit it up now? This is a
question of voters.
* INVESTOR SECURITY WAS IMPAIRED: No, the citizen says, the stock market
did not fall; the government caused its collapse. Thus, the government
must now invest in the investors. It is not enough to call them back to
the stock exchange, or to tell them that the dragon has fled. In order to
rehabilitate the stock exchange, the Finance Ministry must accelerate
privatization, send the Knesset all the securities bills that are stuck on
the shelf, curb inflation, cut the budget, and enable a drop in interest
rates.
This is a protracted, step-by-step healing process. I would not advise
anyone to run to the bank or their broker today or to buy any available
stock. It would not be worthwhile, from either a business or psychological
standpoint. Stock indices rise when there are enough people who want to
buy stocks and not necessarily when companies issuing stock release
profitable statements of account. I do not envision any great demand for
stock in the near future. I do envision hesitation, extreme caution, and
precise profitability considerations.
It is known that, on the stock market, the mountains are even higher on
the way back. Thirty years ago, then Finance Minister Pinhas Sapir tried
to impose a capital gains tax on the Tel Aviv Stock Exchange, which
responded by collapsing. Six months later, Sapir retreated and cancelled
the tax. The market took six years to recover.
* THE FINANCE MINISTER'S STANDING HAS BEEN DAMAGED: Rabin has given Beiga
Shochat a conditional divorce. Rabin is now sure that his senses, which
were opposed to the tax, were healthier than all of the professional
forecasts of Shochat and his staff. In the future, Rabin will prefer to
rely upon himself and on two other confidants, Shimon Sheves and Haim
Ramon, who opposed the tax from the outset. They are neither interested
parties nor millionaires, and Rabin views them as the voice of the people.
Rabin will not forget that Shochat and Company caused him to fail,
professionally and politically. Shochat's days in the Finance Ministry
will come to an end with the next scandal. If only for reasons of
political hygiene, the Finance Minister should have laid his letter of
resignation on the Prime Minister's desk yesterday afternoon: "Mister
Prime Minister," Shochat should have written, "I have deceived you; I am
leaving."
Rabin, almost certainly, would have rejected the letter. Beiga would have
come out a gentleman, and Rabin an officer. But Shochat did not do this,
and again made a mistake. The Finance Minister, who the people view as
holding on to power with all his might, is a finance minister whose power
is diminishing. A finance minister working on borrowed time.
* THE PRIME MINISTER'S STANDING HAS BEEN HURT: Rabin was forced to renege
on his promises twice. Twice, his credibility was cracked. Only six days
after Rabin dramatically announced the implementation of the capital gains
tax, he understood that he had been misled. On 16 August, in an urgent
evening phone call, he beseeched Shochat to alter the tax. Rabin folded.
The capital gains tax's dance of life and death continued for another five
months. Only on 30 January, after Rabin had publicly pounded him with fire
and brimstone, did the Finance Minister find fit to retract the tax but
not before implicitly accusing the Prime Minister and the Government of
surrendering to special interests and populists. Where were Rabin's
unchallenged authority and quiet leadership? The experiment on the live
flesh of the stock market did not kill the Prime Minister's prestige, but
did not strengthen it either. People Rabin's age do not forget double
contempt; they carry grudges.
* THE GOVERNMENT'S STANDING HAS BEEN AFFECTED: Most ministers acted like
robots. Last August, they were told that the tax was vital and just, that
it should not be changed at all; they voted in its favor. In November,
they were told that changes to the tax were most vital; again, the
ministers voted in their favor. At the next Cabinet meeting, they will be
told that the tax is actually superfluous and they, the respected
ministers, will again raise their hands in surrender. Do they not have
their own opinions?
* THE ISRAELI ECONOMY HAS BEEN DAMAGED: Foreign investors, heads of
foreign banks and directors of international corporations have (or will)
all read about the adventures of the distant Israeli stock market. It will
make them laugh until they cry. Then they will tell themselves that the
Israelis are not serious. They have not yet matured and are not ready for
our investments; this is not how a responsible economic administration
behaves.
What can we do. They are correct.