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DJEREJIAN BRIEFING ON THE CONCLUSION OF THE SEVENTH ROUND OF THE MIDDLE EAST PEACE TALKS - 19-Nov-92

19 Nov 1992
 
 

ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE FOR NEAR EASTERN AND SOUTH ASIAN AFFAIRS EDWARD DJEREJIAN BRIEFING ON THE CONCLUSION OF THE SEVENTH ROUND OF THE MIDDLE EAST PEACE TALKS

Location: State Department Briefing Room
Time: 3 p.m.
November 19, 1992

EDWARD DJEREJIAN (Assistant secretary for Near East and South Asian affairs): Good afternoon. I would like to start with some remarks on the latest round of negotiations, and I'll be pleased to take your questions after that.

Unfortunately, this round was marked by external events that affected the negotiations. There was regrettably an upsurge in violence in the region, especially in south Lebanon. The United States and others expended significant efforts to bring about an end or reduction of the violence, and to prevent escalation. We worked very hard to ensure that the peace negotiations continued during this difficult period. As we have often stated, we deplore this violence and want to see an end to the suffering and hardship that it causes. We do not want to opponents of peace to benefit from their efforts to harm this process.

And we succeeded. The Madrid process of negotiations again proved its durability with the parties continuing to engage at the negotiating table despite the challenges on the ground. The negotiations themselves produced no headline- grabbing breakthroughs this round. However, two points need to be made as this round ends.

All the parties have told us they remain seriously committed to pursuing these negotiations with the objective of reaching a just, lasting, and comprehensive peace settlement on the basis of United Nations Security Council resolutions 242 and 338. All the parties are focused on the substantive issues, issues relating to the corps concerns of land, peace, and security.

The real challenge for the parties now is to develop approaches that will enable each of them to begin meeting one another's requirements on their basic concerns. Much hard work remains on the road ahead.

On the Israeli-Palestinian track, both sides are clearly frustrated by the slow pace of negotiations. But they continue to engage at several levels, in plenary, and in informal discussion groups, to try to elaborate the complex issues associated with Palestinian interim self-government arrangements. In informal groups, the sides explored the concept of interim self-government arrangements, including the size, structure, and jurisdictional issues. They discussed control and authority over land, and they engaged in economic issues and on human rights.

In these Syrian-Israeli negotiations, the parties continued their efforts to reach an agreed statement of principles. They continued to focus on the core issues of land, peace, and security. This remains a difficult and ambitious undertaking. But one which is central to moving forward to an eventual agreement between the two sides. More work is needed to come to an agreement. Despite the difficulties, both sides have demonstrated a real commitment to sustain this effort. We hope both will keep at it and build on the progress that has been achieved to date.

On the Lebanese-Israeli track, the most significant achievement of this round was that the two sides persevered in the face of the violence in the region. They did not allow the opponents of peace to get the upper hand. We praised both sides for their demonstrated commitment to peace, despite very difficult circumstances. Continuity and sustained engagement have been the keys to working through very trying circumstances. As the situation on the ground calmed toward the end of the round, the parties were able to refocus on the effort to reach agreement on a formula for military expert talks within the overall framework of the negotiations. This is clearly a vital issue for both sides. Further progress will allow the Israelis and Lebanese to explore each other security needs and concerns which should be the focus of the next round.

And the Jordanian-Israeli negotiations, as I noted in my last press briefing, the parties achieved substantial agreement on the direction and principles concerning the negotiation. An agenda outlining these principles was agreed ad referendum. The exact language of the agenda has not yet been finalized but we think it is important to bring this issue to closure. In the meantime, the sides engaged in in-depth work on key issues. Informal groups focused on water, energy, economic issues and the environment.

Now, taking a look ahead. The co-sponsors of these talksthe United States and Russiaremain firmly committed to the Madrid process and its goal of a just, lasting and comprehensive peace based on U.N. Security Council resolutions 242 and 338. We continue to work quietly and intensively with the parties. We have no illusions about the magnitude of the task at hand. But the parties should have no doubt about our commitment. The United States is in this for the long run and will work as long and as hard as needed to see these talks succeed.

Further, we have made it clear to all the negotiating parties that they should not be distracted by our transition. The best thing they can do in fact is to maintain a strong commitment to these negotiations with a view towards obtaining positive results during this period. Both President Bush and President-elect Clinton have made clear the high priority we give to the Arab-Israeli peace process. In sum, it is important to maintain the momentum of the negotiations and explore all possible ways forward. To this end, the co-sponsors have invited the parties to return to Washington for an eighth round of bilateral talks to start on December 7th.

I'll be glad to take your questions.

Q: Ed, your appraisal, please, of Israel's willingness to discuss what you call control and authority over land. Is that the beginning of Israel's setting in motion the transfer of territory to the Palestinians? Does that mean the Israelis have set in motion or have accepted the notion that at least some of the West Bank should be controlled, owned, under the sovereign care of Palestinians?

DJEREJIAN: Well, the discussions at this phase, Barry, in no way contravene or contradict the basic framework of the Madrid process, which is basically in terms of the Israeli- Palestinian track in two phases. And what is being negotiated now are interim self-government arrangements. And then once that self-government authority is in place beginning the third year, final status negotiations where the fundamental issues which you referred to under the aegis of 242 would be discussed. So nothing has changed in the fundamental parameters of how the parties are approaching this phase of the negotiations in that track.

Q: But you, as a seasoned diplomatic, specializing in that part of the world

DJEREJIAN: Flattery will get you nowhere.

Q: You can smell the nuance probably faster than any of usthe Israelis called it management today of parts of the territory. You called it "control" I thinkan authority over land. Do you as a Middle East hand, see this as the beginning of Israel relinquishing its control of part of the West Bank as the Palestinians want the Israelis to give up all of the West Bank and Jerusalem besides?

DJEREJIAN: No, we see it as a phased approach to negotiations under the Madrid formula.

Q: This is not intended to be another flattery remark, but as a former ambassador to Syria and one who's quite familiar with the Syrians, do you detect some pulling back here on the part of the Syrians, as some people suggest is taking place? Do you see a reluctance of them, of the Syrians, to attend the next round, and do you see the Syrians being unwilling to go further steps down this road under the current circumstances?

DJEREJIAN: Well, the Syrians have reiterated to us their full commitment to this peace process and to these negotiations. I met with the head of the Syrian delegation last night and I was given no reason to believe that there's any pulling back. Now, we have our proposal on the table for the next round to start on the 7th of December; we will await for the responses from all the parties to that. But we think it's essential that the momentum be kept up and that the parties keep at it, that they keep seriously engaged at the table. And what we have seen during the course of these negotiations is that sometimes the movements forward occur sometimes when it's the least expected where the tone and the substance of the dialogue bring the parties to an arrangement that they can both live with or at least refer back to their capitals and make forward movement. So it's important that the parties keep at it.

Q: I'm struck by the constrast in your assessment now and the assessment you gave us when they broke for the recess. What in your opinion has produced this change? And regarding the violence to which you referred, one of the parties to that violence is Hezbollah, which is not a party to the peace process, and may indeed want to destroy the peace processwho is pulling the strings of Hezbollah, and what has Syria's role in reining them in, restraining them, been over the last couple of weeks?

DJEREJIAN: Well, Alan, I think the one factor that occurred between my last press briefing and this one in terms of the round when the parties went back for consultations is the situation on the ground in Lebanon, and the outburst of violence. And, as I made clear in my remarks, this cast a real shadow on the talks. It affectedcertainly affected the tone of the negotiations, and much time and effort had to be spent in, if you will, avoiding an escalation of the violence in south Lebanon that could have seriously threatened at least some of the parties at the negotiating table. And we were very quick to go to the parties immediately involved in terms of what was happening on the ground in southern Lebanon and northern Israel to assure that the situation was not only controlled but to avoid an escalation in the situation.

These effortsand the parties acted accordingly and the situation was calmed. I cannot tell you for how long that situation will prevail. We have made our position on Hezbollah abundantly clear, that we think that Hezbollah is diametrically opposed to the Arab-Israeli peace process. You don't have to be a genius to figure thatthat is their stated position. They are supported by the Iranian government. Iran has stated explicitly its opposition to the Arab-Israeli peace process. We have gone to all the parties, including Syria, to assure that every effort is made, to Syria and the Lebanese, to assure that every effort is made to control Hezbollah's activities and its ability to not only affect the peace process, but also, let's be clear, affect negatively the situation within Lebanon on just in the aftermath of the formation of a new government. That for all the indications we have, is serious about moving forward on national economic reconstruction and pulling the country together. And this is to say that there are many victims of such outbreaks, including in the first instance the innocent lives lost and the people injured.

Q: You mentioned that President-elect Clinton had vowed for continuity and you urged the parties not to be distracted by the transition here. Can you tell us a littlehave the Clinton people been in touch with you? Have they been receiving briefings? Are they up to speed? Are they showing any interest?

DJEREJIAN: Well, theas you well know the transition that is underway is at, going on at various high levels, as witnessed by the meetings in the White House yesterday, and the transition team is not yet in place here, and therefore we have not had any direct contacts with any transition team members to date.

Q: And to what extent do you think the parties are paying attention to your advice, not to pay any attention to the transition which is underway in our country? Do you see any evidence that any of the governments are listening to you?

DJEREJIAN: Yes. I think first of all, they are seriously engaged at the table. I think that's the real test, ifis thenot only the commitment, but the level of engagement we see in each track of these negotiations. So we have not seen a drawing back either on the part of the negotiators, what's happening at the table, or from any signals that we've been getting from the governments and the capitals.

Q: But you've had a static round, you admit?

DJEREJIAN: Well, I don't call it static. I mean again, these rounds areit's complex. I don't think I would use a, one term to say it was static. There was certainly progress, as I've noted, in certain fora of negotiations and there was a temporary pause in the Lebanese one because of the situation on the ground. But quite frankly, as I said, no headline grabbing breakthroughs, but certainly engagement that's moved this process a little further forward.

You've got to remember, too, that a lot of these issues are so fundamental and so complex, that it's going to take time for the parties to engage, ask all the questions they need to, try to get the responses they're going to get to before we get to that next level, whereby we could see some breakthroughs.

It's my own view that I think these negotiations, if you were going to look at a trendline, I think you would see that these negotiations are reaching, are coming close to the point where various substantive thresholds can be reached, and where substantive progress can be made on a timely basis. But we've got to keep working at it. We're not there yet.

Q: And how have you been abletalking about the transition, how have you been able to convey to the parties that one side or the other might be better off, or not better off waiting for a transition. I know you asked them not to be distracted by the transition, but they're realists, they read the papers, they talk to people. If all we have, if all you have is what Clinton and Bush have said at the White House, how have you been able to convey to them that there would be no difference or that there might be differences if they waited until a new administration?

DJEREJIAN: Well, I think the statements that have come out, both from President Bush and President-elect Clinton have been very strong affirmations of the priority of the Arab- Israeli peace process, and in terms of continuity of certain fundamental interests of U.S. foreign policy. These are very strong statements. And the other factor is that the parties themselves have an interest in this process. And the parties themselves have an interest in seeing it succeed.

I don't think there's any party to these negotiations that doesn't have a vested interest in seeing their negotiation succeed. And I think as I've said from this podium before, in our view, in the Middle East, and especially in terms of the Arab-Israeli negotiations, stasis, or status quo or pauses can be a formula, not for standing still, but for going backwards, and things unraveling. That's why it's very important for these negotiations to proceed forward.

Q: You don't that any sideyou have been able to tell them that none of the sides will benefit by waiting for a new president.

DJEREJIAN: What we have told them is that the sides all the sides will benefit by trying to get accomplished as much as possible now. And that when the new administration comes into power that the most viable package of peace process negotiations is available to carry forward.

Q: And would it be useful or helpful to you or to the process to have at least an observer from the Clinton camp by December 7th?

DJEREJIAN: That would be up to the transition team to decide.

Q: (inaudible) point of saying that

Q: To what extent has the U.S. been involved in this round in bridging proposals or bridging discussions with the Syrians, especially with the Jordanians and perhaps with the Palestinians and Israelis? Have you had any joint meetings, for example?

DJEREJIAN: We have been quite active in certainly volunteering out ideas in various forum on how certain gaps could behow certain differences could be narrowed. And we have done that consistently. And especially during the last two rounds. But I really can't get into the details, Ralph, of exactly what we're doing, with whom, and when.

Q: The assurances that the Palestinians are asking for now because of the fact that the administration is among all of the Palestinian negotiators, of the lack of progress, especially you talked about the lack of frustration again. What are the assurances thatare you ready to talk about new assurances, new guarantees for the Palestinians to come back and resume the talks? Due to the fact that the spokesman of the Palestinians this morning or this afternoon early spoke about increased violence against the Palestinians' round of detentions, and people are being beaten up by a new wave of violence, a new wave of iron-fist policy is being reused again in the territories. What are the assurances that you would give the Palestinians if they would come back, they would have possibly a better deal?

DJEREJIAN: Well, I think the framework of assurances that we gave all the parties, including the Palestinians at the very beginning of this process are very important. And they cover the major issues. And that is a sort of a bedrock of the United States is coming from. I think it's also not insignificant that the Israelis and the Palestinians are discussing human rights issues. This is important. And they are engaged on these very issues. So this isthis could help promote the types of outcomes the parties desire.

Q: Excuse me if I might

Q: There are certain fundamental issues or questions that seem a bit lost in the discussions over the past year. First of all, let me ask, before I ask this question, about Secretary Baker. Is he or isn't he going to be involved in the Middle East process?

DJEREJIAN: Well, no decision has been taken for Mr. Baker's involvement at this point.

Q: Who's going to make the decisionPresident Bush?

DJEREJIAN: Well, the president

Q: Or togetherwith Clinton? Did they talk about it yesterday?

DJEREJIAN: I think President Bush would make that decision, but no such decision has been made. And I know that there's a lot of speculation in the press and the media on this but I think it would be premature to conclude that this option has been decided or that it's being actively considered at this point.

Q: Let me ask about the fundamental issues. Way, way back when 242 was enacted, Secretary of State Rogers said that the United States position is that there would be insubstantial changes on the Israeli borders of pre-June 1967. Is that still the position of the United States? And does Russia agree with that completely?

DJEREJIAN: The position of the United States is that all these issues have to be decided at the negotiating table between the parties under the frame of reference that we have established at Madrid.

Q: Well, then we don't know what the U.S. position is as of now.

DJEREJIAN: I just stated the U.S. position.

Q: Mr. Ambassador, again on the letters of assurancelast December the head of the Palestinian delegation answered a question in public at the Brookings Institute and he said the American letter of assurance, given to the Palestinians before Madrid or at Madrid said the following. That United States policy was against the formation of a Palestinian state. However, if the parties were to agree on the creation of a Palestinian state, the U.S. would support a Palestinian state. Last month I spoke to him again. I gave him the quote and he said he stood by it. Question: First, what is the U.S. position on creation of a Palestinian state; and second, did we in fact give such a letter of assurance or such an assurance to the Palestinians?

DJEREJIAN: A very elaborate question. I am not going to discuss the letters of assurance.

Q: I had a feeling there

DJEREJIAN: Those letters are confidential. And we have stated our position on the issue of a Palestinian state repeatedly and there has been no change.

Q: The prime minister of Israel expressed his frustration this week with what he sees as the lack of readiness on the part of President Assad to convince his people and the Israeli people that he really is striving for peace. Do you share this frustration? If so, how are you trying to serve as a catalyst to make President Assad satisfy Prime Minister Rabin and try to extract this kind of expression of readiness from him?

DJEREJIAN: Well, we think the focal point of all these efforts has to be at the negotiating table. And at the end of the day, what is truly important is what the parties with the authority obviously of their leadership table at the negotiating fora. That's where progress is going to be made and where progress is not going to be made. So, as I said earlier, we have seen no drawing back on the commitment of any of the parties to this process at the negotiations. Andnow, the question that you're raising is what can be done publicly and thatof course, we can't tell respective governments and leaders what they should be saying or not saying publicly and I'm not going to get into that. But certainly we do believe that it is important that all the parties address their public opinion in a positive a manner as possible to encourage this process that's taking place at these talks in Washington.

Q: I just wanted to ask you. I mean, I'm struck as by, by the difference in tone. At the end of round, the previous round, you said there'd been progress, but yo said that they

DJEREJIAN: The previous round or the beginning of this round?

Q: Both, both; at the end of last round and beginning of this, you said that there'd been progress, but you said two pointsthat they remain seriously committed and they focused on substantive issues. Now you're just saying that they remain seriously committed and focus on substantive issues. Has there been any movement forward in this second half of this round whatsoever, in any of the tracks?

DJEREJIAN: I would say that incremental progress has been made, but no breakthroughs. But again, don't expect that each round is going to sort of have the same performance level. The sixth round, many positive things were accomplished in the sixth round. Some incremental progress has been made in this seventh round which was marred, unfortunately, by the events that I described. But the seriousness of the negotiators at the table, the incremental progress that has been made, and the intent to build on what has been achieved in the sixth and the seventh rounds is there. So I mean it'sthere's no contradiction in our portrayal of what's happening. We're just being as realistic and objective as possible in giving you an account of what happens in the track.

END BRIEFING

 
 
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