At the conclusion of the debate which followed the presentation of Foreign Minister Dayan, the Prime Minister took the floor again to reiterate his opposition to any unilateral Israeli gestures. Text:
The proposal you make to me is that I make on behalf of Israel that Israel should make a one-sided concession and hand over El Arish and the area known as Mount Moses or Mount Sinai to Egyptian control. You must understand, Mr. President, that making such a unilateral step by any sovereign state is totally unreasonable whereas negotiations based upon reciprocity in order to achieve an agreement are always possible. I suggest on behalf of these negotiations that the representatives of our two states should meet. They can meet alternately in Cairo or Jerusalem, or, if you prefer, in Alexandria and Haifa or in any other location in our countries, or outside of them. I will now explain to the Knesset what the idea is that lies behind this letter: The Government is asked to make what is called a gesture. Policy-making is not "gesticulation." We want a pragmatic policy in our relations with Egypt. We want to carry on negotiations for a peace treaty, therefore we understood that after Sadat's visit to Jerusalem is was incumbent upon us to prepare a peace plan and this is what we did. We shall make no gifts. Not even one grain of desert sand as a present. We can make agreements. In our times one must distinguish between peace treaties and peaceful relations. We want peace treaties. Complete treaties with all that this involves. Secure borders, free movement of people, open commerce, diplomatic relations, scientific cooperation, etc. However, if until that day it will not be possible to achieve peace treaties, we agree to take the path of peaceful relations. An example of these variations is Germany and Europe. She did not sign peace treaties after World War II whereas other European nations did sign peace treaties. Nevertheless Germany maintained peaceful relations with all her neighbors and with all the European states. Therefore, if President Sadat will accept our proposals, and agree to meet with our representatives in one of the locations suggested in my letter we will make him a specific offer in return for El Arish and Santa Katarina. If he accepts it, we will make an agreement, not an interim agreement, or a temporary agreement, or one for three years, or one that must be renewed every year, but a permanent agreement on the basis of the principles that I spoke of. This agreement will determine that on a given front peaceful relations will be established between Israel and Egypt. We are prepared to take this path. If one will call it a new direction I agree. I think it is a tried and true road. I repeat, we prefer negotiations on a general peace on the singing of peace treaties with all of our neighbours. But if this is impossible because of our neighbours we are prepared to deliberate with them on peaceful relations. And behold, the opportunity has arisen: President Sadat suggested that we give him something, gifts, we shall not give them. Negotiations on the basis of reciprocity, yes, and then we will establish peaceful relations in a given area. We can then proceed to other areas. But always on the basis of reciprocity. Nothing will be done unilaterally by Israel for Egypt and we will ask nothing unilaterally of Egypt. Everything will be done justly and fairly.
The leader of the opposition, Mr. Speaker, praised me for not being tempted to respond to the insults emanating from Cairo, and I thank him for these words of praise. Today as well, I will not enter into personal polemics with President Sadat. I will remain silent. I want a continuation of the negotiations. Mr. Atherton is coming this week, and in another ten days Mr. Vance will arrive. We will all sit down together. Therefore I will refrain from all polemics and from permitting the relations to further deteriorate. But I must respond to one matter because it is a matter of substance, and not a question of personal polemics but a clarification of issues: In his last speech, President Sadat said again that the difference between Mr. Begin and himself is that Mr. Begin sees a peace agreement as an end, whereas he sees it as the beginning of a new era, etc. I want to say that with all our respect President Sadat made a basic error. And until today I do not know where he got this idea which he repeats in almost every speech. I will bring proof: Here are my own words: "Mr. President, commanders of all the Jewish underground resistance movements are present in this democratic House, they were compelled to wage a campaign of the few against the many, against a mighty world power. Here they sit. The best of our commander and military leaders who fought a war that was forced upon them and led to victories that were inevitable because they defended what was right. They belong to different parties, hold different opinions, but I am certain, Mr. President, that I speak for them all, without exception, that we have one aspiration in our heart, one desire in our soul, and we are all united in these hopes and desires to bring peace. Peace to ourselves. We who have not known even one day of peace since the day we began the return to Zion, and peace to our neighbours to whom we wish the very best, and we believe that if we make peace, a true peace, we will be able to help one another in every area of life, and a new era will be one of growth inaugurated in the Middle East. A period of flowering and growth of development and expansion as in the days old. Therefore, permit me to describe the contents of peace as we see them. We ask for a total peace. A true peace based on a total reconciliation between the Jewish and Arab nations. Let us not be enmired in memories of the past. There were wars. Blood was spilled. Wonderful sons of the younger generation were killed on both sides. We shall bear the memory of our brave ones for all our days, who gave their lives so that this day might come. Indeed, this day shall come. We respect the courage of our adversaries, and pay tribute to all the young men of the Arab nation who died as well. Let us not be enmired in past memories, painful as they may be for us all. Let us overcome them. Let us be concerned for the future, for our people, for our children, for our common future. Let us see to it that we will all five together in this region, for all generations. The great Arab nation and its states, and the Jewish people in its land, the land Israel. Therefore we must determine what peace will include. But let us negotiate, Mr. President, as free people a peace treaty and with the help of god so we say in full faith the day will come when we will sign the treaty in mutual honour and then we shall know that the period of wars is over, and we shall reach out our hands one to another and shake hands, and the future will be a glorious one for all the nations of the region."
As the members of the Knesset have seen and heard, these were my words in the Knesset when President Sadat sat by my side. I do not see the signing of a peace treaty at all as the end of the way but on the contrary, as the beginning of a glorious future both for us and for them. But if we are talking about unjust accusations, I must say truthfully that the vilifications emanating from Cairo are nothing compared to those that came from the opposition at the beginning of last week. Nothing at all. There has never been anything like it anywhere in the world. And to prove this thesis I will read to you the following announcement issued by the well known Jewish organization, the Anti-Defamation League in the United States. This League understands what vilification means. It has been fighting it for close to one hundred years. It is one of the most active and largest organizations in the United States. An entirely non-partisan organization. This organization has published the following statement: "As an American organization engaged in recruiting support for Israel, we are shocked and embarrassed in the face of the personal attacks on the Prime Minister, Mr. Begin, attributed to leaders of the Israel Labour Party. These remarks seriously damage Israel's interests in the United States. It is regrettable that a serious national debate on the nature of peace has turned into a personal attack on the Prime Minister. We deeply regret that what has happened may interfere with our activities on behalf of Israel in the United States. At this crucial time we ask that the legitimate argument concerning Israel's future relations with the Arab countries be confined to substantial issues and not be permitted to deteriorate to the level of dangerous personal attacks on the leaders of Israel's Government."
Mr. Speaker, I can testify to the truth of this statement. I have read in "Ha'aretz" that in Holland, in all the media, there was a report based on the Labour Party to the effect that: "The Prime Minister, in a physical and emotional sense, is senile." I am intentionally repeating these words verbatim, even though they are somewhat painful to me today. I am after all, but flesh and blood. Have we ever said anything like this about an Alignment Prime Minsiter? Mrs. Golda Meir, with all our respect, was seventy-five years old when she was Prime Minister. Did we call her senile? Mr. David Ben-Gurion was close to eighty when he left the Prime Minister's post. Did we ever say he was senile, physically or mentally? Is this how you glorify Israel's honour in Holland? Now you are, very gay, just as well, go on being gay, that is how you pay respect to the people of Israel because this is how you speak of your country's Prime Minister.
And I wish to add: Yes, yesterday I was interviewed by N.B.C. or C.B.S. There are many television networks in the United States, and I was asked a question about health. I answered it. But all this bases itself on the Labour Party. I have read that Mrs. Meir is embarrassed by the leaks from the Political Committee meeting in which Doctor Peres and Doctor Bar-Lev and Doctor Gad Yaakobi, and other Doctors of their ilk...
Interjection: Shimon Peres (Alignment): Have you read a medical remark of mine? Prime Minister Begin: I have read nothing except that I have read.
Shimon Peres (Alignment): If not, why are you saying this? You must be mindful of what you say.
P.M. Begin: You can not force any interjections on me.
Gad Yaakobi (Alignment): I said nothing about your medical condition although it merits discussion.
Shimon Peres: Did you hear any kind of medical personal remarks coming from me? Why do you say that?
Hayim Bar-Lev (Alignment): You can't say things that aren't true.
Menahem Hacohen (Alignment): Stop making a "Who dunnit" out of the Knesset. Enough.
Gad Yaakobi: You can't say things that have no basis in reality. I said nothing about your health.
P.M. Begin: Very well, the Labour Party's Political Committee has declared itself a medical committee and they determined the state of my health. I wish to ask you: I once knew that Mr. Levi Eshkol was taken from his office in a wheel chair and his life was in danger. I said nothing about this to anyone and he continued to be ill for many more months and we said nothing. I knew of a time when he had to be carried downstairs in a chair and brought home because he actually collapsed in his chair in the Prime Minister's office.
When Mrs. Golda Meir assumed her post, everyone said: A sickly woman. A friend came to me and said that Mrs. Golda Meir has a fatal disease and I told him: "My friend, go home, it is not your business to mind anyone's health, it is a private matter." While you, with such vilifications... but I am not surprised, what am I to do? You are accustomed to character assassination. You started with Jabotinsky and ended with Ben-Gurion. You're used to this kind of work. Too bad.
Shimon Peres: Who is "you?"
P.M. Begin: Shimon sit still.
Shimon Peres: Pardon me, what does it mean to sit still, around these tables all the forces are mixed.
P.M. Begin: That is correct. I agree with that. I will prove my thesis. When they wanted to oust Ben-Gurion from his party he was tried. The prosecutor on behalf of the Party said that the organization headed by David Ben-Gurion was a Neo-Fascist organization. I will now read out the names of those he had in mind:
Shimon Peres: Mr. Prime Minister, I am very sorry, you must be more accurate, this remark was made about another person, and unjustly, no one said 'A Neo-Fascist organization.' I am sorry but you can't slander.
P.M. Begin: Read for yourself. Do not interrupt me.
Menahem Hacohen: Stop making a mockery of Ben-Gurion.
(Assorted interjections)
P.M. Begin: It is difficult to hear the truth, I know, but it shall be spoken.
Yossi Sarid (Alignment): But it must be said.
Shimon Peres: It's hard to listen to non-truth.
P.M. Begin: The truth will be told: The party prosecutor maintained that the organization called "Rafl" was a Neo-Fascist organization.
Shimon Peres: Where does it say that? Read it out please.
Daniel Rozolio (Alignment): The Knesset is forced to listen to lies.
P.M. Begin: The following people were described as members of a Neo-Fascist organization: Mr. David Ben-Gurion, Yizhar Smilansky, Shimon Peres - you're in good company - Matilda Ghez, Yosef Almogi, Yitzhak Navon...
Ora Namir (Alignment): Where is Moshe Dayan?
Meir Pail (Sheli): And Yigael Hurwitz?
P.M. Begin: He's not yet escaped from your hands.
Menahem Hacohen (Alignment): And Arik Sharon, and Ezer Weizman. Weizman, you are always in good company.
P.M. Begin: Zvi Tzur, Mordechai Surkis, Mordechai Ben-Porat, Amos Degani, Arye Bahir, Michael Caspi, Avraham Wolfson, Hannah Lamdan, Shaul Ben-Simchon, Yisrael Katz. I apologize, Mr. Minister of Labour and Social Betterment, but it's written here. Yigael Hurwitz, he isn't present. I beg his pardon, it was Gad Yaakobi's luck that he hadn't yet joined that organization otherwise he too would be on the list. Here, you have called your friends by this name...
Shimon Peres: Mr. Prime Minister, you are wrong, and you are misleading the Knesset. Nothing of this sort was said.
P.M. Begin: Enough my friend, do not disturb, you are not a landlord in the Knesset, I'll ask for defence. What is going on here?
Shimon Peres: He said nothing of the sort.
P.M. Begin: He said nothing of the sort, he had said worse things about you on occasion.
Shimon Peres: He did not say.
P.M. Begin: Very well, I am willing to take a lie detector test as to what he had said. The words still ring in my ears. Now, there was a time when Mrs. Golda Meir called your party by a certain name. "Tammany Hall."
Menahem Hacohen: What's that?
P.M. Begin: You don't know what Tammany Hall is? Let me explain.
Meir Pail: Mr. Prime Minister, I ask you, perhaps for the sake of the people's and the Knesset's honour, let them be this time.
P.M. Begin: I couldn't hear what you said. Well, there once was a good Indian by the name of Tammany, but eventually, this became the most corrupt institution in the United States: Graft, murder, and its leader sat in jail till the day he died. The leader of Tammany was tried, and he sat from 1851 to 1852. Mrs. Meir, your leader, told David Ben-Gurion that your party was like Tammany Hall.
Shulamit Aloni (Citizen's Rights): She didn't say that to Ben-Gurion. She said that to Shraga Netzer. I was there.
P.M. Begin: I am grateful for the encouragement.
Shulamit Aloni: She said that to Netzer.
P.M. Begin: I know she said that, she wrote it as well. I thank you for the encouragement, how did Sapir call you, Shula'le.
Jacques Amir (Alignment): You said to Ben-Gurion on 8 January 1952. And I quote"You too, sir, will have to account for your crimes" that is what you said.
P.M. Begin: Nu, so what, what did I say. Listen Jacques may you find many such quotations... and when I stand on the podium to reply I cannot utter a word.
(Assorted interjections)
P.M. Begin: But no matter, I will speak. I will have my say. I have prepared the quotes and I will proceed:
(Interjections)
P.M. Begin: Now, the problem has come up of keeping state secrets. MK Gad Yaakobi says over the radio, that I have proved that it is impossible to confide in me state secrets. I propose, Mr. Yaakobi, that for the next three years you will not share any state secrets.
Gad Yaakobi: I read this joke this morning in "Ma'ariv." There's no need to repeat it.
P.M. Begin: I did not read it this morning in "Ma'ariv," but I have heard your speech, and you said nothing new. In that case, let me repeat what was said in the papers. If its plagiarism then its self-plagiarism. I wish to reiterate: you, MK Yaakobi who are in the opposition claim that it is impossible to include the Prime Minister in state secrets... they still think they are in the Government. So they say: this man, Begin, from the opposition, he cannot share, in state secrets. How can an opposition say that you cannot include the Prime Minister in a state secret?
(Interjections)
P.M. Begin: I receive state secrets twice a day, from time to time I have to hear state secrets that concern matters of life or death. I read that the former Minister of Finance, MK Rabinowitz, was terrified by my good humour last week. I regret, but you will have to comfort yourself. I can offer you no comfort. But I will tell you something: Were you to see me in my grief, you would perhaps be even more terrified, I am frequently sad, on a certain Saturday I am very sad, and on another Friday I am very sad, and on another day, when I am talking to a certain person whose name begins with "A" and who must engage in a deadly dangerous act, I am sad and on yet another day, when I talk with a man whose name begins with "Het" I am very sad. Yes, there are very sad days. A former Prime Minister is present here, he will testify that a Prime Minister suffers many sad days.
(Interjections)
P.M. Begin: Now I wish to make clear that I did not reveal any state secrets. It's true, Mr. Peres told me that he wishes to meet with King Hussein. True, and I told this to a number of my closest friends. That is not only my right, it is my duty. I am a Prime Minister in a democracy and this is not a secret that has to do with life and death and which I am forbidden to discuss even with my very closest friends, only between the security services and myself, and hence the sadness and the responsibility. But in this instance, I had the obligation and the right to tell them that there has been such an incident. I did not speak with the press. I did not leak. Why must I assume that these two friends, my closest, leaked the information? Perhaps someone else did? There were others who knew this secret; who knew of the planned meeting with Hussein.
And it's true that I forbade Mr. Peres to meet with King Hussein in London, and in order to make the whole story shorter, I want to say right now - and members of the opposition be kind enough to take note: Because you yourselves say that in order to hold such meetings - meetings of this sort, not in the Socialist International, not in other international organizations - meetings like this with an Arab ruler you need the consent of the Prime Minister. I am announcing here in advance: There is no consent. It is not for you to conduct negotiations with a head of an Arab state. That is the government's role. And now I will reveal to you a secret, I will reveal what this government is about to do: It is about to rule.
Shimon Peres: What?
P.M. Begin: To rule.
(Interjections: That's a joke.)
P.M. Begin: you have cause to laugh.
Daniel Rozolio: That's the joke of the century.
(Interjections)
P.M. Begin: I wish to explain that neither Mr. Peres nor Mr. Eban, nor Mr. Allon will have my consent to meet with Arab Rulers and present to them suggestions of the Socialist International. By the way, MK Peres I must remind you that you came to me on Saturday and asked my permission to see Sadat in Austria. You didn't give me the slightest hint that you are taking with you a proposal for and by the Socialist International, and that you would show it to Sadat as well.
Shimon Peres: On Saturday I had no such proposal.
P.M. Begin: Perhaps.
(Interjection)
P.M. Begin: Must I stop again? But you will not stop me. Not by any means. On Thursday we had a telephone conversation and I told you: In the meanwhile, a meeting has been set between the two Foreign Ministers in Leeds, and I recommend you not go, and you said you must consult with your friends. On Thursday you must have had that famous formula, and you didn't even give me a hint that there may be such a proposal, and I am the Prime Minister, and I should know. The Socialist International is an important institution and it may be helpful to Israel.
Shimon Peres: The Prime Minister was never asked, even regarding previous decisions, you must know the facts.
P.M. Begin: I am not requesting that you ask, I am asking for a briefing, a report. Mr. Speaker, may I ask: Am I speaking, or is the opposition leader speaking.
Shimon Peres: If you wish to say things, then they should be verified first, if you hurl accusations here, I will interrupt, and correct you.
P.M. Begin: I am not hurling accusations. These are facts. I am only stating facts. But in the matter of secrecy, I wish to say something: MK Peres listen, I wish to say something 'Piquant' and not necessarily about you. As to secrecy: One day we heard that the Socialist International will discuss a certain proposal which today has been highly praised by the opposition leader. We are familiar with what it says, but I will not enter this argument. The day after that it became known to us that the proposal came not from the Socialist International but that it was composed by MK Abba Eban, so what use were the wise men in their wisdom? Everyone will say that this is the Socialist International's proposal as written by the former Foreign Minister of Israel. Is that how you keep state secrets? We will be mocked, and this is what he said: Peres turned to me and asked for a version - apparently Peres has difficulty writing versions - and I wrote it. I. Abba Eban and he had a version, and it was presented to Kreisky to reveal a secret of this magnitude - that the Socialist International accepted his proposal which had been formulated by the former Foreign Minister of Israel, and later to claim that this is the Socialist International's excellent document? That's how you guard secrets.
As this time I wish to discuss another matter: The trips abroad. You have committed slander. We do not forbid any trips abroad. But what I have just said still holds. But I recollect a time - and you, MK Peres told me yourself, and you heard this directly from the source - how enraged Foreign Minister Meir had been by the frequent sorties of the Deputy Minister of Defence or the Director-General of that office to Paris, to establish contact with the French. How he subverted her... she never forgave him.
Shimon Peres: Why are you talking about things you are not well versed in?)
P.M. Begin: You yourself told me.
Shimon Peres: I never told you anything of the sort.
P.M. Begin: Yes you did.
(Interjections)
P.M. Begin: It was due to this rage that she recommended Yitzhak Rabin for the Prime Minister and not you.
Shimon Peres: I said such things to you? You cannot fib here.
P.M. Begin: Every child in Israel knows that.
Shimon Peres: Mr Prime Minister, you must make up your mind whether you are dealing here with gossip, and if not, you must prove what you say.
P.M. Begin: I've given proof. I've proved it.
MK Yadlin (Alignment): He went with the Government's knowledge.
(Interjections)
P.M. Begin: There are plenty of people in Israel who if asked which of us is closer to the truth, would tell. There are enough people in Israel who would speak the truth.
Shimon Peres: Indeed there are.
P.M. Begin: There are enough people in Israel, so you can calm down.
Meir Pail (Sheli): You are both members of the truth-tellers society.
P.M. Begin: Honoured colleagues, I wish to summarize and say, this house is divided into an opposition and a coalition.
We wish to respect the opposition. Let us hear her words, and listen to her arguments, today's is the 8th political debate of this past year, you held only three debates during Mr. Rabin's tenure.
Shimon Peres: That's got nothing to do with it.
P.M. Begin: We want honourable relations with the opposition... (Interjections) we wish for relations of mutual respect between the opposition and the coalition. The Government will conduct the affairs of state. It will conduct peace negotiations. I am able to say today, thank god, that the results are not at all bad. To use what the English call an "understatement". The future is before us. In the negotiation process, changes have taken place. Yesterday an American newsman said something about the results of our stubbornness, in the positive sense of the word, the Secretary of State will come. His deputy will come. We will visit abroad, there will be meetings.
As I said in my last speech here on the subject of peace: the doubtful is preferable to the certain. We will search for a way. We will examine every pathway in order to reach an agreement so that peace is established so that war is prevented. In this manner we will go on for a long time. That is how we set out, and that is how we will continue. We shall conduct the negotiations - not the opposition. We will not permit the opposition to conduct any negotiations whatsoever. That is our right.
This morning I heard from the United States an announcement of great importance from which we can learn: Two people only are authorized to express themselves publicly on the subject of foreign affairs: The President and the Secretary of State, and it has stated that the important person who heard the National Security Council may express his views on such matters, but not publicly.
(Interjections)
P.M. Begin: The Government will conduct the negotiations. The opposition is free to criticize, and if it has a majority -to defeat it in the Knesset. I wish to reply to the opposition spokesman who appealed to my patriotism and suggested that I resign. I wish to tell him privately so that he not tells anyone - will not do so. I was elected. The people had confidence in us. It took 22 mandates away from you. This is unprecedented in the history of Israel that a party lost 22 mandates.
Jacques Amir (Alignment): Mandates.
P.M. Begin: Looking at you, I have to reduce the number by half a mandate, 21 and a half mandates. The people took away from you 22 mandates. It expressed no confidence in you. You cannot direct the affairs. As an opposition you're welcome to be the Knesset, but let me talk.
Now I want to say something from the bottom of my heart. A most serious debate has taken place, as it should. It, was opened sharply, and ended sharply. If I have insulted anyone I am willing to apologize. But that is not the main point. The important issue is that difficult times await us, difficult and great. I wish to declare in the name of the Government that we shall conduct the affairs of the state. We shall not be broken. If we are pressed we will reject the pressure. We will maintain Israel's security and aspire to peace along with security. We will not abandon our civilian population to the fire of a potential enemy. In the course of the past eleven years, changes have occurred in the nature of weaponry in the Middle East. Soviet artillery now has a range of 43.8 kilometers. There is a hand held weapon called a "Strella" which can bring down a plane from hundreds of meters above. We will protect our civilian population, and give it security, and Israel will accept only this sort of peace - secure peace. That is our belief, and that is how we shall act.
But ultimately, when I examine the recent past and the somewhat more distant past, the present and the future, after all the bitter arguments, I wish to say: I am blessed to be a member of this generation that has known destruction and has saved itself. A generation unique in the history of Israel, a generation that got everything it has through dreadful suffering and unparalleled heroism.
In one hour's time, we will all visit the grave of the man who envisioned our country, Binyarnin Zeev Herzl, one of those rare persons who are born once in history. The man who renewed this people, and bequeathed it the vision of this country in which it lives and shall continue to live. In his honour I wish to read a few lines by Zeev Jabotinsky:
"He came to the people, erect as an oak, His voice rolled like thunder, And forward he led us, and further, and on saying: Homeland - whatever the price. He sang of a feast in a liberation land In a land filled with light, of our own, for all times and to him dooms-day turned into glorious hope. Though the song on his lips halted before time... but the nation will sing in his stead Your voice was as water for the parched and without it-the thirst of the soul is not quenched A giant hammer (or pick) had fallen from the heaven, but in its stead ten thousands more will rise, and hack away at stumbling blocks encountered But - as God be my witness - your song will ring to the last refrain. Esto leader, rest and do not fret: The time is yet to come, and we shall hail it, when tens of thousands sing and march along, as banners wave and joyous song abounds. That day-from Beersheva up to Dan, The people will recall its saviour great and to its greetings all the hills shall sound and the valleys tool and Zion's daughters, with a song as free as nature's own. shall gather round your grave and dance till dawn."
The poem has turned into fact, the myth into reality.