The autonomy plan was first presented by Prime Minister Begin to President Sadat at their meeting in Ismailia on 25 December 1977. It was approved by the Knesset on 28 December 1977 and provided for the creation of an 11-man administrative council, elected by the residents of Judea, Samaria and the Gaza district, to be responsible for all administrative affairs relating to the Arab residents in the areas. Israel would continue to be responsible for security and public order. In May, the government established a Ministerial Committee on Autonomy and among its guidelines to this group were that Israel would retain control over land and water resources and law and order, Israeli settlements would be subject to Israeli law and sovereignty, and the Israeli military government would be withdrawn but not abolished. Interior Minister Burg was appointed chairman of the Israeli negotiating team. On the day Egypt re-established its authority over El Arish, the three delegations met in Beersheba to open formally the negotiations to achieve the autonomy as provided for in both the Camp David accords and the Israel-Egypt peace treaty. Already in the opening speeches it was possible to discern the differences of views and approaches of Israel and Egypt. Following are the opening statements of the heads of the delegations:
STATEMENT OF KAMAL HASSAN ALI
Before I deliver my speech I would like to inform you that according to the instructions of President Sadat, Prime Minister Mustapha Khalil, for procedural considerations, was not able to participate in the opening session and requested me to deliver the speech he prepared for that occasion. He will be very pleased to welcome the delegations for our next meeting, on June the 3rd, in Alexandria.
In another historic day we meet again in our relentless pursuit of peace that was initiated by President Sadat's visit to Jerusalem on that unforgettable day. Ever since, we pledged ourselves to end forever enmity, hatred and wars, and to establish a just and comprehensive peace which will lead to normal and friendly relations between our nations in the Middle East. Thus our nations would have the opportunity to devote their energies and creative potentials to the common cause of bringing about prosperity and progress for each and every individual in our region.
To achieve this noble goal, Egypt and Israel, in spite of being in a state of war, resolved to take the pioneering step of sitting together and negotiating with the determination to reach, not a separate peace agreement, but a comprehensive peace settlement in the region, with the active participation of the United States of America as a full partner. The three parties recognize, without any doubt, that establishing a just and comprehensive peace in the Middle East is not only in the interest of their peoples, but is also a vital achievement in the interest of all nations of the world, as it will be a solid foundation for establishing order and stability and eliminating the causes of future conflict, instability and outside intervention.
We knew that the task was difficult and that the challenge was tremendous. Yet we were equally aware of the necessity for making peace for the living generations and the generations to come. From the very beginning we were confronted with difficulties which were considered insurmountable. It is true that President Sadat's historic initiative broke the psychological barrier and threw the entire conflict into a different perspective. However, we were still at war with each other. A certain degree of tension persisted. The shortcomings of Security Council Resolution 242 left their impact throughout the process. Many were discouraged and even demoralized by these difficulties. At times it appeared as if we were moving in a wicked circle. Nevertheless, the momentum for peace proved to be stronger than all these obstacles combined.
President Sadat has emphasized repeatedly that the Palestinian problem is the heart and crux of the entire conflict. Through patience and perseverance we were able to reach agreement in Camp David on a framework for peace in the Middle East. It was the first time such a comprehensive document was drafted and approved, as the basis for a big peace settlement. It dealt with the aspects of the problem in a clear manner. It was unlikely to invite different interpretations.
With the breakthrough we proceeded to translate the document into a workable mechanism for peace. The outcome was two treaties, two complementary documents, which were signed simultaneously on the 26th of March.
We are here today to implement the agreement we signed on the establishment of the self-governing authority in West Bank and Gaza. Much has been said about the difficulties for reaching agreement on that point. Positions taken and actions carried out lately have blurred the hopes of many of us for a solution that would constitute a second but most crucial step along the road to a comprehensive settlement. However, I believe that we should not be discouraged.
The issues at stake should not make us lose sight of the new reality. We are today negotiating under circumstances which are different altogether. We are no longer the enemies of the past; rather we are the good neighbours who are laying the solid foundation for a lasting friendship between the Israelis and all the Arabs.
In addition, we are not working from a vacuum. We have the framework and the agreement on the establishment of the self-governing authority, with full autonomy, in the West Bank and Gaza. Many Arabs and Israelis, and in fact millions of friends throughout the world, are watching our deliberations with hope and anticipation. None of us can bear the responsibility of defeating these hopes or suppressing these expectations. None of us will be forgiven if he violates the new spirit of peace and reconciliation.
What is needed is a more enlightened attitude, based on the realization of the grave consequences of the failure of our effort. We all know that much will depend on the success of our endeavour. What remains to be done is to have faith in peace, and proceed to tackle the problem with hope and confidence. We have to be determined to reach agreement.
I suggest that we bear in mind the following guidelines:
First, that we are not here to determine the future of the Palestinian people. Only the Palestinians themselves can make such a decision. For self-determination is their God-given right. Our task is merely to define the powers and responsibilities of the self-governing authority with full autonomy, and the modalities for electing it. In this endeavour we shall be guided by the letter and the spirit of the Camp David framework, as well as related documents.
It is our joint responsibility to agree on the necessary steps for the transfer of authority from the Israeli Military Government to the Palestinian government.
Second, the principle of inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war, as stipulated in Resolution 242, should be respected and implemented in connection with the West Bank, including Arab Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip, which were occupied in 1967. In this context, Arab Jerusalem will become a living testimony to the possibility of coexistence and cooperation between all peoples of the area.
Third, Resolution 242 in all its parts should be respected in the overall solution of the Palestinian problem, as provided for in the Framework.
Fourth, the Geneva Convention relative to the protection of civilian persons in time of war is applicable to all the Arab territories occupied by Israel in 1967. Consequently, all the measures taken by Israel in the West Bank and "Yaza which tend to alter their demographic composition or geographic character, and in particular the establishment of settlements, have no legal validity. On the other hand, Israeli legislative and administrative measures or actions which were taken to change the status of Arab Jerusalem, are null and void.
Fifth, the human rights and fundamental freedom of the Palestinian people in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip should be strictly and immediately respected.
In conclusion, I would like to state that our ability to carry out our commitment will be greatly enhanced by the constructive role of our full partner. President Carter pioneered in pledging to play this role, throughout the peace process, until peace is established between Israel and all her neighbours. We highly value such a firm commitment from the leader of this great nation. We hope to remain together on the road to peace until all the grievances are remedied and until all suffering is eliminated. Thank you.
STATEMENT BY DR. BURG
On September 17, 1978, President Sadat and Prime Minister Menahem Begin signed the Camp David Framework for Peace in the Middle East, witnessed by President Jimmy Carter. This document, and the subsequent joint letter of March 26, 1979, are the mandate that brings us here today.
We are met with the goal of reaching agreement on the establishment of an elected administrative council in order to provide full autonomy for the Arab inhabitants of Samaria, Judea and the Gaza district. Our task is to reach an accord between us, prior to the election of this administrative council, on the modalities of its establishment, define its powers and responsibilities, and agree upon other related issues. Having reached such an agreement we would wish that the envisaged democratic elections speedily take place in Judea, Samaria and the Gaza district.
The tasks ahead of us are great, and no doubt complex. We enter negotiations mindful of the responsibility which history has placed on our shoulders. It is obvious that it is not possible to resolve overnight the bitter conflict which has gone on for so many years. We realize that before us lies a long and difficult road of negotiations. I am confident that we, Egypt and Israel, shall work together to reach understanding and agreement as expeditiously as we can. In this effort we shall benefit, as before, from the valuable assistance of the government of the United States, whose representatives will participate fully in all stages of the negotiations.
Mr. Secretary, I deem it appropriate at this time and this place to reiterate to you, and through you to the president of the United States, the deepest gratitude for America's important role in advancing the course of our regional peace, as reflected in the first Indispensable and historic step, the treaty of peace between Egypt and Israel.
We have already proven to each other how the common will for peace provides solutions to problems that otherwise seem elusive, how obstacles to progress fade away in the presence of common purpose, and how a patient ear precludes polemic and misunderstanding. We, Egypt and Israel, both have lived through the convulsions and agonies of our region for so long. Drama and trauma have gone hand in hand, caught in the vicious grip of enmity and warfare and bereavement.
No more. We are now bent on a different course, and already the pure fresh breeze of coexistence plus dialogue and peace is dispersing the ugly pollution of the past.
We meet in Beersheba, the city of our common forefather Abraham. It is perhaps most appropriate that here in this place, we, Egypt and Israel, make our rendezvous with history, ancient and modern, to talk of Eretz Israel. Our founding patriarchs and matriarchs he buried just to the north, in the town of Hebron. Jerusalem, the eternal city of
Israel, founded by David the King, crowns the hills of Judea, from where our prophets preached the message of eternal peace in a land which has known so much strife.
Yes, it is to end the strife, to expand the peace, to ensure security and to promote the coexistence of its inhabitants, Jew and Arab, that we are met. Herein lies the justice and the validity of the autonomy, the details of which we shall negotiate in the weeks and months ahead.
At its very heart lies the conviction that the Palestinian Arabs should and must conduct their own daily lives for themselves and by themselves. It was this that motivated the government of Israel, as early as December 1977, to propose autonomy - full autonomy - for the Palestinian Arabs, inhabitants of Judea, Samaria and the Gaza district.
What I must make clear, and what must be understood from the outset, is that autonomy does not and cannot imply sovereignty. If it is peace and welfare of people that we seek - and this above all has to be our common task ahead -then we must by definition reject a priori an independent Palestinian statehood. Israel will not agree, and indeed totally rejects, the proposition, declaration or establishment of a Palestinian state in Judea, Samaria and the Gaza district. By everything we know to be true, it would be the certain prescription for violence and war. Indeed, it would be a mortal danger to Israel and a grave peril to the whole free world. No hostile element or agent or force dare control the heartland of this land to threaten the lives of its city dwellers and villagers, and thereby hold a knife to the jugular vein of Israel.
Twenty-two independent Arab states, astride Africa and Asia, from the Persian Gulf to the Atlantic Ocean - surely there has never been such an expression in the families of nations of self-determination and sovereignty. Our world has but one Jewish state - as of right in its ancient land - and the people of this land - nay, people of goodwill and decency everywhere - will not and cannot acquiesce in any measure that will put that surviving remnant of our unspeakable Holocaust into jeopardy. After having walked through the valley of the shadow of death, we shall never again allow life, liberty - indeed, existence itself - to be imperiled.
This is acknowledged and reflected in the Camp David accord, which addresses itself to Israel's right to security as an essential condition of the peace. It is an integral feature of the autonomy. It is upon this foundation that the autonomy shall be built: thereby the Arab inhabitants of Judea, Samaria and the Gaza district shall exercise control over their own daily lives and activities through their self-elected administrative council. Israel shall enjoy security. These are the principles and provisions stipulated in the Camp David agreement.
Distinguished members of the delegations: We meet here in sincere purpose. We meet with you with a sense of responsibility to the past and towards the generations of the future. We meet together for the sake of the peace with all our neighbours, with whom we wish to live always in mutual respect and cooperation.
We have problems to solve - together; challenges to overcome - together. I am confident that we shall find the appropriate solutions. To do so we shall all of us have to muster our statesmanship, our moral integrity and our diplomatic ingenuity. Let us do so with courage and caution, as befits the historic responsibility we share. There is urgency to our work but there is also much need for the patient draftsmanship of devoted negotiators who are moved by high purpose.
Let us now set about constructing the next step on the ladder of peace. We hope that others might join us in our work. I call upon the Arab inhabitants of Judea, Samaria and the Gaza district to seize this opportunity to embark upon this new beginning and to share with us, Egypt and Israel both, in mapping a future that will guarantee the peace and welfare of this land in which we are destined to live together for all time.
"To everything there is a season, and a time to every purpose under heaven. A time to keep silent and a time to speak, a time to love and a time to hate, a time of war and a time of peace." We pray that the Almighty might grant us His guidance in our efforts.
Thank you very much.
STATEMENT BY SECRETARY VANCE
President Carter has asked me to bring to all of you his warm best wishes. Today marks a milestone on the road to a comprehensive peace. In reaching this point, we have overcome many obstacles - obstacles lie ahead - but we are confident that those obstacles will also be overcome.
The president will be following with great interest the proceedings of the following weeks and months, and with the anticipation that the differences will be overcome; that we will achieve the goals that all of us seek.
This historic occasion can be considered one of both achievement and renewed commitment. Achievement -because the parties represented at this table have given the world a stunning demonstration that negotiations can transfer enmity into peaceful relations. Renewed commitment - because we all face an even more formidable task in the months ahead, in which we are determined to succeed.
The achievement of a comprehensive peace depends on success in each negotiation, and each new negotiation builds on the achievement of those which have preceded it. The full peace, stability, justice, and progress which we all want for the peoples of the Middle East can only be attained by carrying forward a dual effort: Implementing both the letter and the spirit of the treaty between Egypt and Israel; while at the same time, taking the treaty package as the cornerstone for the task of structuring continued progress towards a comprehensive settlement.
The treaty of peace between Egypt and Israel has fulfilled one of the two frameworks agreed at Camp David between President Sadat and Prime Minister Begin, and witnessed by President Carter. Today we see the first fruits of that treaty, as El-Arish is restored to Egyptian control and we look forward to normalized relations between the two countries. At Camp David, and in the agreements that have followed, the governments of Israel and Egypt also committed themselves to principles, procedures, and a time-frame for a series of negotiations leading to a peace between Israel and all of its Arab neighbours. The important objective of that process, in the words of the framework, is the resolution of the Palestinian question in all of its aspects.
We have come here to launch a new phase of this effort, as agreed by President Sadat and Prime Minister Begin in their joint letter of March 26, which has already been referred to. With the Egyptian-Israeli treaty, we are able for the first time in more than three decades to turn our attention to the practical solution of a central issue of the Arab-Israeli conflict: Peace between Israel and the Palestinian people, with security and acceptance for both. We have come to the issues which will shape the destiny of the peoples of the West Bank and Gaza, and the Palestinians beyond those areas who identify with the people there, while assuring peace, acceptance, and security to Israel.
Today we are beginning this stage of the peace process by dealing with the establishment of the self-governing authority in the West Bank and Gaza. In their joint letter, Prime Minister Begin and President Sadat agreed to negotiate continuously and in good faith, and they set a goal of completing the negotiations within the next 12 months so that elections can be held as expeditiously as possible thereafter.
The range of issues involved in the Palestinian problem is far too complex to be resolved all at once. The only realistic approach, therefore, is to establish a transitional -period, during which the decisions that need to be made can be dealt with in a measured and logical way. That approach was agreed by Egypt and Israel at Camp David, and they have invited other parties to the Arab-Israeli conflict to support it and to join the negotiations.
We regret the absence of the Kingdom of Jordan and of Palestinian representatives from these proceedings today. If we do not agree with their decision not to attend at this time, we nevertheless respect their right to have a different view. We want to make it clear that the invitation to them to join us remains open. At the same time, their absence need not check the progress of these negotiations. We are determined to proceed and to show that these negotiations can make progress towards the objectives which Jordan and the Palestinians hold no less than those of us at this table.
I want to assure you in the strongest possible terms, that the United States understands the deep emotion and interests on all sides that are touched by the process which begins today. For Egypt and the Arab world, the primary focus is upon the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people. No peace can either be just or secure for any participant, if it does not resolve this problem in its broad sense. In the United States, we believe deeply in the proposition that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed. We believe that the Palestinian people must have the right for themselves and their descendants to live with dignity and freedom, and with opportunity for economic fulfilment and political expression.
For Israel, meanwhile, a lasting solution to the Palestinian question and the wider Arab-Israeli conflict will be possible only if there is genuine acceptance of its right to live in peace and security. Throughout Israel there is an ardent desire for peace. There is also deep anxiety that, in order to achieve that peace, Israel must make enormous sacrifices and take major risks. With regard to the Egyptian-Israeli treaty of peace, this desire and this anxiety will soon become tangible with the redeployment of Israel's forces from strategic territories three times its size, and the evacuation of vitally important airfields and oil resources.
In the United States, we believe that Israel is entitled to very solid assurances that its security will be realized. It is essential to ensure that, as this second stage of the peace process unfolds, it does so in a fashion that guarantees the enhancement of a true and permanent peace, and does not contain elements which would endanger Israel's security.
The Camp David framework provides practical guidelines as we seek in these negotiations to translate these principles into concrete arrangements. First, the framework states the solution ultimately negotiated must recognize the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people and their just requirements. To give reality to this goal, it provides that in the West Bank and Gaza, the Israeli military government and its civilian administration will be withdrawn, and a self-governing authority will be instituted. It provides for full autonomy for the inhabitants, and it also gives the Palestinians a vital role in shaping their destiny, by recognizing them as participants in all aspects of the negotiations that determine their future: in the negotiations that set up their self-governing authority; in those which determine-the final status of the West Bank and Gaza; and in those which can lead to a Jordan-Israel peace treaty.
Finally, the agreement on the final status of the West Bank and Gaza will be submitted to a vote of representatives of the peoples who live there for either ratification or rejection.
We must also go beyond these negotiations to the broader aspects of the Palestinian problem. We must make a start to deal with the problem of Palestinians living outside the West Bank and Gaza. They, too, must know that an accepted and respected place exists for them within the international community.
Second, the security of Israel is equally a central feature of the Camp David framework. As we seek ways to solve the range of issues of the West Bank and Gaza, we must recognize that Israel's security is of critical importance to the success of these negotiations, because of the special geographic and demographic factors involved. The negotiators must be sensitive to these concerns, and imaginative and far-sighted in proposing ways to meet them.
Third, it is worth restating that the United Nations Security Council resolution 242 remains the basic statement of principles covering a peace settlement. The Camp David frameworks are built upon it. It establishes as the fundamental equation for peace withdrawal from occupied territories in exchange for commitments to live at peace with Israel, within secure and recognized boundaries. It is axiomatic that resolution 242 applies to all fronts of the conflict. The negotiating history of the resolution leaves no doubt that' this was the understanding of all parties when the resolution was passed in 1967.
We ask all parties to see the Camp David process as a way of dealing with these problems in logical sequence, making progress where this is possible, and using the success achieved at each stage to open new solutions to the next. Peace cannot be achieved by declarations or resolutions alone, as the experience of the last 30 years has demonstrated. A practical way to proceed must be devised, one that takes advantage of the fact that the process of negotiation itself can transform the attitudes of peoples and governments. We believe that the process defined by the Camp David framework and the joint letter signed by President Sadat and Prime Minister Begin gives us this practical way of proceeding.
I am convinced that a just and secure settlement of the Palestinian question is not beyond the capabilities of men and women of compassion and goodwill, who will set their hand to the task. I have no doubt that solutions which the majority of Palestinians and other Arabs will consider fair can be fashioned in negotiations, and in ways that answer as well the fundamental concerns for the security of Israel. We are nevertheless conscious, as we meet here today, that some of our friends in the Arab world have doubts about what we are setting out to do. We regret that an atmosphere of opposition has been created, before we have even begun our work. We wish to assure them that we are mindful of the major responsibility which is upon us.
At the same time, we must make it clear that the responsibility is also a shared one. As we embark on these negotiations, this is a time for maximum restraint and farsightedness on the part of all who seek a fair and peaceful settlement in the Middle East. The intentions of either side will be called into question, if it attempts to pursue its own national objectives in a manner that conflicts with the purposes of these negotiations.
We call on both sides - and I use that term in its broadest sense - to include not only those here at this table, but other parties whose interests will be affected by what is accomplished, or not accomplished, here - we call on both sides to suspend acts and statements of hostility, that could only make the work here more difficult. Let us give the proceedings here a fair chance to see what can be achieved.
The challenges ahead are formidable, and overcoming them without doubt will, without doubt, tax our patience, our energy, and our fortitude. But no one can deny that, for the first time, a practical beginning has been made toward peace for this tragically troubled region. No one can deny that an unprecedented and realistic opportunity is before us. No one can deny that no workable alternative has been proposed.
The United States is determined to make the most of this opportunity, to remain fully engaged, and to continue on this road until we reach its final destination.
Thank you.