In the course of presenting a survey of the activities of the Foreign Ministry to the Knesset, Foreign Minister Dayan dwelt at some length on the emerging relations with Egypt and the on-going ties with the United States. He reviewed the intensive diplomacy of the past two years and expressed hope that the normalization process, as well as the autonomy negotiations, would bear fruit. In his address he also referred to the continued tension in Lebanon. Excerpts:
During the two years of work of the Foreign Ministry, since June 1977, its activity has been focused within the framework of the government's activities, and particularly in that of the Prime Minister, in two main planes: One has to do with the peace negotiations since their commencement, including relations with the United States Administration and, of course, with Egypt; while the other concerns Israel's foreign relations in the various other spheres.
Shortly after the formation of the Government intensive contacts got underway on the subject of peace, beginning with talks with the U.S. Administration held by the Prime Minister, and continuing with contacts with Egypt. At the Prime Minister's initiative, following his first visit to the White House, in July 1977, the Foreign Minister in September 1977 held talks with Administration leaders in the U.S., at the conclusion of which, on 5 October 1977, in negotiations with the President of the U.S., an agreed Working Paper was attained between the U.S. and Israel concerning the framework for convening the Geneva Conference.
In parallel, direct contacts were formed at that time with Egypt, and in November 1977 President Sadat came to Jerusalem. Afterwards, Israel's peace plan vis-a-vis Egypt was drawn up, and also the plan for self-rule in Judea, Samaria and the Gaza District. The main part of the plan concerning Egypt was presented to Egypt in direct contact and in writing, and as was reported at that time authoritatively, Egypt regarded it as a fitting basis for negotiation. At the subsequent Ismailiya meeting the Prime Minister presented the plan to the President of Egypt, in the wake of which the political and military committees for negotiations were determined upon. The political committee, chaired by the Foreign Ministers, convened in Jerusalem in January 1978 but, as will be recalled, the Egyptian delegation was recalled after two days of discussion only.
One of the major characteristics of the negotiations throughout the entire period was the growing involvement of the U.S., which became a full partner in the negotiations. The U.S. Administration, with the active participation of President Carter and with a special and constant effort by Secretary of State Vance, invested considerable effort and energy to draw closer the stands of Israel and Egypt and to bring them to the point of signing a peace treaty.
The main subject during the initial period of negotiations, from Ismailiya in December 1977, to April 1978, was the attempt to arrive at a declaration of principles agreed to by both sides. The key clause in dispute concerning this declaration was that having to do with the Palestinian Arabs, regarding which the sides' views were in polar conflict. The Egyptians demanded the right of self-determination for the Palestinians, which for Israel meant a Palestinian state, which Israel regards as an extremely grave peril to its survival.
In April, talks were held between the Foreign Minister and Secretary Vance in Washington, on the basis of an approach of substantively examining the issues in contention. It was with this aim also that the talks were held in the conference of Foreign Ministers of the U.S., Egypt and Israel at Leeds Castle, in July 1978.
Following that conference, and in the wake of Egypt's refusal to continue the Leeds Castle talks, President Carter convened a summit conference at Camp David. That was held in September 1978. It was headed by the President of the U.S., the Prime Minister of Israel and the President of Egypt, and at its conclusion two Framework Agreements were signed: One of them laid down a framework for a peace settlement in the Middle East based -on negotiations with all the parties concerned, including determination of the stages of the discussions on the subject of the Palestinian Arabs residents of Judea, Samaria and the Gaza District, and on other matters; while the accompanying agreement laid down negotiations for the signing of a peace treaty between Israel and Egypt within three months.
The main change to which the two, sides agreed at Camp David, as against their previous stands, was that the Egyptians for their part retreated from the plan they had presented on 3 July 1978 on the eve of the Leeds Castle conference, in which they demanded, inter alia, full Israeli withdrawal from Judea & Samaria, including Jerusalem and Gaza, along with the dismantling of the settlements in Judea & and Samaria and the transfer of the Areas to the administrative responsibility of Jordan and Egypt for the period of transition, as well as assurance of self-determination for the Palestinians at the end of the transitional period. While Israel for its part expressed readiness to bring for the decision of the Knesset the (subject of the) return to the 1967 border in Sinai, including dismantlement of the settlements.
On the basis of the Camp David agreements negotiations were held during October-November at Blair House, at the level of Foreign and Defence Ministers, for the drawing up of a peace treaty between Israel and Egypt. The difficulties that arose prevented the signing -of a treaty at that time, and further efforts were required, including the visit to the region of Secretary of State Vance; a second Camp David conference, at the level of Foreign Ministers, in February 1979; the visit of the Prime Minister in the U.S.; and, finally, President Carter's visit to Egypt and to Israel in March 1979.
This height of activity by the President of the U.S. did in fact bear fruit and agreement was reached on the issues which were still in dispute. Precursory to the signing of the peace treaty with Egypt, Israel at the same time held negotiations with the U.S. on a memorandum of understanding between them concerning the bilateral issues involved in guaranteeing Israel's security in the new situation.
On 26 March 1979 the peace treaty with Egypt was signed by President Sadat and Prime Minister Begin with the participation of President Carter, and on that same day the Foreign Minister and the Secretary of State signed a memorandum of understanding with the United States, which is the most detailed and binding agreement ever signed between Israel and the U.S. A memorandum of understanding was of course signed on the oil issue, which set out 15 years of American guarantee to supply oil to Israel in the event of an absence of other sources for its purchase. The instruments of ratification of the treaty were exchanged towards the end of April, thus concluded the official portion of the signing of the peace agreement between Israel and Egypt including its various annexes and including the U.S.'s part in it. All these documents were tabled in the Knesset and made public.
We are now seeing implementation begin of the peace treaty. In some spheres the treaty called for immediate implementation. Thus, for example, ships bearing Israeli flags have already begun passing through the Suez Canal; and Egypt, as it undertook, is about to annul its reservations directed against Israel which it in years passed annexed to international convention when it signed them. As part of the process of implementing the agreement, El Arish was last week returned to Egypt. In the coming months, in parallel to Israel's evacuation of areas of Sinai up to the Ras Muhammad-El Arish line, contacts will be held with Egypt to determine ways of implementing the normalization (process) between the two countries. The Foreign Ministry has been placed in charge of coordinating the civilian portion of the contacts with Egypt.
It is to be regretted that a considerable part of the Arab states, headed by the countries of the rejection front, are manifesting firm opposition to the peace treaty and to the Camp David accords, and are attacking Israel and Egypt. We hope that this is but a passing phenomenon. There is no substitute for Egypt's standing in the Arab world, and the wise step it took in terminating the war and for peace was a timely one. It is to be hoped that wisdom will prevail and that those states which for considerations of the moment and under pressure of the radicals lent a hand to the measures against Egypt, will grasp the magnitude of the achievement as well as the need and interest of each of them to join the peace process with Israel.
In my view we have reached a critical stage in the implementation of the treaty, since we now have to transform the written document into political and economic reality. To that end is required the combined momentum of Egypt, Israel, the United States and the Western states willing to lend a hand.
I would also like to make a few brief remarks on Israel's relations with the United States. The House is aware of our special relations with the U.S. During these past two years there have at times been differences between us in the course of the peace negotiations, such as on the issue of settlements, and there may yet be more disputes on various subjects; but the tight joint activity during the peace negotiations created closeness and intimacy of dialogue such as have never before prevailed between ourselves and the U.S. It is doubtful whether in relations between other nations - certainly in Israel-U.S. relations - there has ever been such close network of cooperation and close and continuous contacts as there were in the past two years. This found expression in the mutual visits of the leaders of the two countries and of the Foreign Ministers, including a lengthy and extremely intensive summit meeting at Camp David. In this connection I would like not only to thank the President of the United States, the Secretary of State and their aides for their efforts to bring about a solution of the Arab-Israeli conflict, but also to emphasize to the citizens of Israel and to world Jewry the supreme importance we attach to these relations with the U.S., not only as the key for settling relations with our neighbors, but first and foremost by virtue of their own quality - that is, the understanding, friendship and cooperation between the American people and ourselves...
The period we are now living through and which we will see in the coming years is among the most politically intensive and crucial that Israel has ever known. Political activity in the coming period will centre first and foremost on implementing the peace agreement with Egypt, whose main point is a transition from a state of war to normalization of mutual relations.
The second subject will be to determine the autonomy plan as a framework for a modus vivendi between ourselves and the Arabs of Judea, Samaria and the Gaza District, with no border separating us either now or in the future.
Unfortunately, at this time in another country - Lebanon - a situation exists in which not only are there terrorist attacks on us, but also a civil war and total chaos. This situation will oblige us to take political activity and at times military activity against the so-called PLO. Israel does not ignore the need to solve the problem of the Palestinian refugees living in Lebanon. It does not view the solution as lying in their return to areas of Eretz Israel. However, Israel is ready, as it undertook in the Camp David accord, "to work... with other interested parties to establish agreed procedures for a prompt, just and permanent implementation of the resolution of the refugee problem."
The Foreign Ministry has been placed in charge of coordinating the implementation of the peace agreement with Egypt in the civilian sphere. Therefore, in the coming days, we shall have to strive - as far as we are able - to take actions and adopt policy that will bring about great momentum on this peace agreement. Momentum which will enable the Israeli-Egyptian peace treaty to be seen as the opening for the stabilization of a new reality in the Middle East: such as was the case in Europe after the Second World War, when following the havoc wreaked there the constructive building began of a different social and economic order. Not only termination of the war but also the laying of the foundation for an economy and society based on progress and on cooperation between ourselves and the Arabs can be attained in the Mideast as well, despite the great differences between this region and Europe. We will be able, with the help of other nations - if they enlist themselves in the effort - and first and foremost with the help of the U.S., to establish new relations and a new reality between ourselves and the Arabs, relations such as will realize the heart's wishes of all peace- and progress-aspiring peoples.