In a major address before his party, the Prime Minister reviewed at length Israel's foreign relations, especially the emerging normalization process with Egypt, as well as ties with other nations. On the issue of Jewish settlement in Judea and Samaria, he declared: "Ever since the concept of law took root in the human race there had never been an act more legal than Jewish settlement in all parts of the Jewish homeland." He added that "settlement is a right and a duty." Highlights of the address follow:
This is the fourteenth time that I address an opening session of the convention of the Herut Movement: It is the first time that I do so also as Prime Minister of Israel.
Since having formed the government and presented it to the Knesset for its confidence we have brought about a fundamental turning point of historical significance in the relations between Israel and the Arab world. The state of war between Egypt and the Jewish State has, after thirty years, been terminated. This is the first clause, upon which we insisted throughout the negotiations, of the peace treaty between the two countries which we have signed, ratified and brought into effect. The total population of our other three neighbours represents one third of that of Egypt. Even if we add to these the population of our neighbours' neighbours the number of Arab inhabitants with whom we have established peace - albeit at the cost of sacrifices, some of them painful - still exceeds the others. This represents a break-through to guarantee the peace of the nation and its security in Eretz Israel...
The process of normalization between Egypt and Israel is developing in satisfactory phases, consonant with the declarations we have made, and as they have been carried out in practice, and as they will be implemented in the future...
If one of the powers will cast a veto in the Security Council and thereby prevent a decision on the establishment of the international force required for the implementation of certain clauses of the peace treaty, then another multi-national force will be set up in accordance with the tripartite agreement between the United States, Egypt and Israel. The blessed process of peace-making, in accordance with the treaty stipulations, will not be held up...
With Jordan we have peaceful relations but not a treaty of peace. We would wish that to the de-facto peace will be added peace de-jure. We shall not lose patience. Its day will come...
A few weeks ago, from the rostrum of the Knesset, I called upon the President of Lebanon, Mr. Sarkis, and proposed that we open talks, whether in Jerusalem, in Beirut or in a third country, on the conclusion of a peace treaty between our two countries. The Prime Minister of Lebanon, whom I had not addressed at all, angrily and impetuously rejected my appeal. Nevertheless, I was gratified to read the serious, positive and even enthusiastic responses of the spokesmen of approximately half of Lebanon's population. The Patriarch of the brave Maronite community, the former president of Lebanon, Camille Chamoun, Pierre Jemayel and other important leaders grasped our outstretched hand. They know, having heard it from us specifically, that we have no claims whatsoever on Lebanon. We want to make peace with Lebanon and live with her in peace...
In this connection I must reiterate our position regarding the dangers besetting the Christians in Lebanon, both in south and in the north, whether from the henchmen of Arafat and his gang or from the Syrian army of occupation. Our position is this: We shall not, under any circumstances, abandon the Christians into the hands of their tormentors who, time and again, sought to destroy them and who, but for the Jewish state, small in size but faithful to humanitarian imperative, would have carried out their evil design. It will be recorded in history that while mighty Christian nations did nothing to rescue their coreligionists from the heart of extinction it was the Jewish state which ensured the existence of the Christians in Lebanon, and he who would seek to condemn our people for its humanitarian, noble deed, let him search his conscience and ask himself if he has no cause to be ashamed of his repeated indifference in the presence of yet another attempt to perpetrate the crime of genocide. We have fulfilled our duty - and we shall continue to do so.
On the territory of Lebanon are located the bases, the arsenals, the units and the headquarters of the genocidal organization that is called - in despicable distortion - the PLO. There, too, they plan their murderous deeds against men, women and children, Jews and Arabs. There they publicize their boastful communiques whenever they perpetrate their crimes. There they promise to continue and even intensify their bloody attacks, turning the civilian population into their major and only target. Therefore did we establish our policy regarding these murderous genocidal organizations: To pursue them and to strike at them at every opportunity. No more the concept of retaliation. We shall not wait for any more Nahariyas. We shall not stand idly by for repeated Tiberiases. We shall hit them at any time and at any place which we choose. Let everyone know that we are no longer on foreign soil: No longer are we defenceless petitioners. Anyone who raises his hand in Eretz Israel against a Jewish child or against a Jewish woman or man shall not enjoy immunity, not in Beirut, nor in any other place.
The most negative and hostile attitude is displayed by Syria. I know of a number of conversations which the Syrian Foreign Minister Khadarn conducted with heads of state. Were I to relate what this Dr. Khadam says of the President of Egypt, Anwar el-Sadat, one's ears would ring. Such wild irrational enmity. But we shall also display patience and calm forbearance towards our northern neighbour. Whether the day be close or far off, it will surely come and our outstretched hand towards Damascus shall not be rejected.
Meanwhile, let us not forget our brethren in Syria, the remnant of a magnificent Jewish community that contributed so much to Jewish scholarship and culture. We call upon President Assad to enable them, even to the very last one of the four thousand Jews there, to leave the ghetto where they live in constant fear and to depart for a safe shore. We shall mobilize all our friends throughout the world: we shall not rest nor remain silent until these 800 precious Jewish families will be rescued from their persecutors.
We repeat and declare that the Egyptian-Israeli treaty of peace is not a separate agreement but the first and indeed decisive step towards a comprehensive peace in the Middle East. At Camp David we also agreed to conduct negotiations on full autonomy for the Arab inhabitants of Judea, Samaria and the Gaza District. This agreement, too, we shall fulfil in letter and in spirit. We have promised autonomy. It is a paradox of our time that the two million Arabs in the Islamic Republic of Iran - where we witness a return to the darkest periods of the Middle East-are compelled to take up weapons and to fight and die for the sake of their struggle for autonomy. We initiated the human and progressive idea of autonomy for the solution of the problem of the Palestinian Arabs, inhabitants of Judea, Samaria and the Gaza district. Not only did it never occur to us to agree that out of autonomy will emerge a Palestinian state: The very opposite is the case. We have taken every opportunity to emphasize that under no circumstances would we permit the establishment of such a state from whence would come the murderers of our children, a danger to the very existence of the Jewish state, and indeed, a danger to all free nations. In this matter, and in all respect, I agree with the recent announcement of the President of the United States of America, Mr. Jimmy Carter, who said: "We never espoused an independent Palestinian state. I think that it would be a destabilizing factor there." One could add reason upon reason for this concept: A "destabilizing factor." It is superfluous.
In this connection, there are those who tell us that President Sadat faces a special situation confronted as he is by Arab states which boycott him and therefore we have to render him assistance. We require no such preaching. Certainly, we respect the courage of the President of Egypt who stands firm against his boycotters and detractors. Indeed, we are ready to help as much as we can, just as I am confident he is ready to help us. However, no man has yet helped his friend, by committing suicide. For this reason we ask our friends in Egypt not to embarrass themselves through declarations to the effect that Jewish settlement in Eretz Israel is illegal, or that "Arab sovereignty" will be placed over part of Jerusalem, or that autonomy is a first step towards a Palestinian state. We declare in simple language for all to hear:
1. From the day that the term "law" was introduced into human culture there never has been a more legal act than the settlement of Jews throughout Eretz Israel, sacred to the Jewish people, given by God and liberated and rebuilt by valiant men. Jewish settlement in Eretz Israel is a right and a duty. We have fulfilled this right - and so shall do: We have done our duty and so shall we do.
2. Jerusalem: the united city, indivisible, is the eternal capital of Israel since David our king transferred his kingdom more than three thousand years ago from Hebron to Jerusalem. And in Jerusalem, our capital, there shall forever be granted freedom of access to the members of all three monotheistic faiths - absolute freedom of access - to their holy shrines.
3. There shall not arise, under any condition, a Palestinian state in Judea, Samaria and the Gaza district. The autonomy concept states that the Arabs, inhabitants of Judea, Samaria and the Gaza district will administer through an administrative council which they shall elect themselves, their own daily affairs without interference. We shall reserve security and safeguard our rights. Jews and Arabs will live in Eretz Israel together in peace, in security, in mutual respect and in human progress.
Our relations with the United States are of friendship and understanding. I do not believe that in any time in the past they were better than now. If there are differences we clarify them in candid exchanges. We hope that at the forthcoming summit conference in Vienna the President of the United States will raise the problem of the Jews in the Soviet Union, the freedom of all the Prisoners of Zion, the invalidation of past refusals of those wishing to emigrate to Eretz Israel and the granting of the right to every Jew who so wished to return to the historical homeland of the Jewish people. We express the hope that the President of the Soviet Union, Mr. Leonid Brezhnev, will respond positively to this noble intercession of the President of the United States.
The relations between Great Britain and Israel are based on good common understanding established during the period of office of Mr. James Callaghan as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. There is reason to believe that these good relations will continue this period when Mrs. Margaret Thatcher has assumed the high office in her country.
Regrettably the policy of France remains negative. We seek no conflict with any nation and I therefore desist from employing sharp words. We cannot but regret the position of France upon whose humanistic ideals we were educated and which we loved. Israel has many friends in France: We shall not surrender the hope that they will yet succeed in influencing a change in her negative policies which render harm to both our nations, whereas friendship and alliance between us would be of value and glory to us both.
Finally, I will state what is the relationship of the people of Israel in Eretz Israel towards other nations near and far, large and small. Thus wrote Ze'ev Jabotinsky: "I will approach alliance of nations with strength, as lion to lion, as brothers, not victors." And what is the essence of our policy: Peace for the people of Israel in Eretz Israel.