On the eve of the Jewish New Year, Mr. Begin stated that he was fully confident that Egypt will carry out its obligations even after the Israeli withdrawal from the Sinai. The strategic cooperation agreement with the U.S. was seen by him as lending to Israel added stature and he hoped this would be respected by the Soviet Union. He was also hoping that the U. S. will not deal with the P. L. 0. Regarding future relations with Jordan, he was looking forward to peace with "East Transjordan " to involve economic cooperation and cultural ties and a "confederation with the free Eastern and Western Land of Israel" Excerpts:
Q: Mr. Begin, in another few months, Israel will complete the withdrawal from Sinai. As the date approaches, there has been some concern expressed about what will happen to the peace process. Are you satisfied with the treaty Israel signed with Egypt? Deep down, are you not afraid?
A: I'm certain that the peace process will continue even after April, 1982. We spoke about this with President Sadat in Alexandria ... his reply was absolute and I don't take what I heard or the tone in which it was said lightly ... We have made peace forever and it will live on in the future. We have taken on obligations and will fulfill all that we have taken upon ourselves ... of course, someone can come along and say - yes, you were told this, but perhaps it won't actually be carried out. I can't deny the logic in this kind of skepticism. But personally, on the basis of observation and experience, I can say that I honestly do accept the promise that the peace process between Israel and Egypt will continue even after April 1982...
Q: Mr. Begin, are you not worried about the difficulties that President Sadat has been facing of late with the opposition in his country because of the issue of peace?
A: I am aware of these difficulties and when I was in the United States, I tried to explain them to the American public. I said roughly this: The methods used by President Sadat could not even come up for consideration in our two countries for constitutional reasons. But we have to understand the President's moves. He faces the threat of Islamic fundamentalism, or Khoumeinism ... He must fight this manifestation, and has apparently found no other way for his country. I called on the American public to understand Sadat's moves, aimed as they were at wiping out the threat and preventing it from taking over Egypt. I say the same thing to the people of Israel...
It is in our interest that President Sadat overcome that darkness of the Middle Ages that these elements want to bring to Egypt ... I assume that he will overcome this. I think that the majority of the Egyptian people supports him...
Q: When will Israel cooperate with the U.S.? What are those hostile situations?
A: ... We hope that it will not lead to war. Today there are not enough forces in the Middle East and surrounding regions for example, to halt, under certain circumstances, a Soviet invasion of Iran. Let's assume after Khoumeini disappears ... there is a border of more than 1,000 km. between the U.S.S.R. and Iran. Where is there the force that can stop them? If we assume that a Communist Party comes into power, within the existing confusion in Iran, and it quietly and confidently invites the Soviet Army to enter Iran, who will stop it? There is no one. But if this thing that we call strategic defense cooperation is established, then it is certainly possible to deter the U.S.S.R. from doing this. The intention is not to an operation during time of war, the intention is to prevent war. And the Russians are realists. We sat with the Americans. It was published throughout the world that there is strategic defense cooperation between the U.S. and Israel, and at the same time Mr. Gromyko willingly agreed to meet with our Foreign Minister after six years of an absence of such relations between the Foreign Ministers of the two countries ... and it is interesting that Mr. Gromyko did not even in a word mention the strategic defense cooperation between the U.S. and Israel. He accepted it as an existing fact and he was apparently convinced that the State of Israel must be respected and not taken for granted, as there were attempts to do in the past.
Q: Israel claims that the P.L.0 and its demand for an independent Palestinian state is actually a demand for strong support from the U.S.S.R. And this is what is behind the P.L.O. and behind this demand. Would you like this subject to appear in the written understanding on strategic cooperation that we will have with the U.S.?
A: We will see at the time of the negotiations. I want to tell you that Reagan, of his own initiative, and without our requesting it, made the following announcement: "I promise you that the U.S. will not have contact with the terrorist organization as long as they do not fulfill two conditions: Recognition of Israel's right to exist and recognition of Resolutions 242 and 338". No contact between them and the U.S. - so the American President said. And this is an explicit commitment ... thus there is a hope that we may put this paragraph into the memorandum of understanding. If this does not go in, then the previous paragraph we obtained in 1975 will remain...
Q: Mr. Begin, do you share the view that a Palestinian state actually exists in Jordan?
A: I never said that, there are colleagues who say this, they have the right to make that claim ... I want to describe the vision I have in my heart. Every man has his own vision ... I dream of the day in which there will be peace between us and the ruler of East Trans-Jordan. And as a result of this peace, we will be able to give Jordan a free port on the Mediterranean, either in Ashdod or in Haifa, and goods from both countries will go east and west and we will be able to visit each other and we will be able to establish what I may call a free confederation ... a confederation between the free eastern and western Land of Israel, with agreement in peace, in mutual understanding and with economic well-being.