The United States reacted sharply following the passage of the Golan Heights Law. Apart from voting against Israel in the Security Council's condemnation, it stated that because Israel did not consult with it prior to passing the law, it was postponing indefinitely discussion on ways to implement the two week-old Memorandum of Understanding on Strategic Cooperation. The United States also announced that it was suspending plans to purchase 200 million dollars worth of Israeli-produced goods and services. Meanwhile, Israel proclaimed an alert along the northern border to forestall any Syrian military moves. This and the American response were discussed in the following interview:
Q: Minister Sharon, are you surprised by the force of the American response?
A: The American response is out of all proportion. I think it is a grave response - I would term it immature. There is no harm done to Israel by the postponement of (implementation of) the Memorandum ... This Memorandum speaks of mutuality, and the punishment is no less to the United States than to Israel, if indeed, the Americans will postpone (implementation of) the Memorandum.
Q: Why do you think the Americans responded as they did, with such vehemence?
A: I can say why there was no reason to react. First of all, there was no room for surprise. This subject of application of the law in the Golan Heights is one of the clearest principles of the government and a subject which stood at the center of constant public debate. There could be room for surprise at the timing, but not regarding the subject itself. There is here also something amazing: There is nothing in the Memorandum of Understanding which limits Israel or requires it to consult regarding the confrontation states. The Americans reiterated vigorously that the requirement for consultation will apply only when there is a Soviet threat or one from Soviet-controlled forces acting in the region or coming from outside the region...
In my opinion, these measures must arouse severe doubts and second thoughts about the credibility of the United States in the framework of international agreements, including possibilities for its future behavior in relation to the Camp David Accords. Even more grave than this is the new attempt here to harm the heart of Israel's national security by suspending activities connected with security...
We have made it clear to the Americans and to the Israeli public that the alert we have imposed on the Golan Heights and on the northern border is a defensive one. It is the Government's responsibility to ensure that all security measures will be taken. When we took this step, we did not have the slightest inclination to enter into military confrontation with the Syrians. We have an interest in continuing the cease-fire over as long a period as possible. This is something which I have repeatedly clarified. Regarding the claim that Israel is searching for an opportunity to enter into an encounter or a war with the Syrians: For years - even before Sadat's visit to Israel - I have been saying that attempts must be made to avoid any war in any arena. And this is what we are trying to do. But even if war is imposed on Israel, the last place in which any kind of achievement is to be made, even politically, is Syria (and not because of Syria's military capability, since Israel has a decided advantage over Syria). Thus, for years, it was I who claimed that one should not get mixed up in a war with Syria. This is also the Government's policy. If the Syrians were to start a war with Israel, Israel would respond, and the Syrians would be beaten in such a war. We, however, have no interest in such a war. This is also one of the reasons why we are exhibiting so much restraint and patience in face of the Syrian domination and occupation in Lebanon, and in the face of the missiles which have not yet been removed. All of this is related to the basic outlook that war with Syria must be avoided as much as possible.
We have made it clear to the Egyptians - and in my talks with the Egyptians I speak frankly, as I hope my colleagues do as well - that we will never descend from the Golan Heights, due to their security importance for Israel -just as I made it clear to them that we will continue to be in charge of security of Judea, Samaria and the Gaza Strip, because this is vital to Israel's security. This is not to say that the Egyptians are delighted with this announcement, but they understand the problems existing there. In my opinion, it is much easier for the Egyptians to accept such an action today than it would be after April 1982.