After explaining Israel's economic needs and programs, Mr. Peres said that the time has come to negotiate with either a Jordanian-Palestinian delegation or with a Palestinian delegation consisting of the residents of the areas under Israeli control. He suggested what the Palestinians could expect from a transition period and on what there was national consensus in Israel. On the latter point he stressed that the River Jordan be the military-security border of Israel, the area known as the West Bank would be demilitarized. Israeli settlements will not be dismantled and Jerusalem shall remain forever united and the capital of Israel, There will be free access to holy sites. Text:
The history of our people is a history of fate. Wherever we had to turn one corner of another, whenever we had to make a choice - the decision was fateful, rather than commonplace. Fate is the constant companion of Jewish history.
We are so different from other peoples - that must a priori pay the price of this difference; we are so few that the responsibility on each and every one of us is particularly heavy.
We face again an appointment with fate. This, then, is not a gathering meant only for applause, but a serious look at our destiny. I shall begin with a comment on the relationship between the Jewish state and the Jewish people.
On the eve of our Knesset elections and immediately afterwards, a drama emerged which, had it not ended in at least a temporary "happy end", I doubt whether this conference would have taken place.
I am referring to the demand to amend the Law of Return - a demand which almost obtained a majority.
The truth is that this demand enjoyed wide support not necessarily because of its substance, but as a result of the impossible Israeli electoral system. 25 lists ran in the last Knesset elections. After election day we received the answer to only one question: who was elected to the Knesset. 17 lists were elected. But we remained with the major question mark: who will run the state?
And the "Who is a Jew" issue became a bargaining matter in the attempt to build a coalition.
I must admit that, in Israel, we did not correctly appreciate the depth of sensitivity to this law. This is a typical case in which one side treated the issue as pragmatic, and the other as existential.
We must learn lessons. Let no one in our generation appoint himself a supreme arbiter of Jewish history, or Jewish destiny. He who believes in the existence of such an arbiter knows that he exists not among but above us. The Jewish people survived its long history with one Torah but with many interpretations. Instead of trying to dictate one point of view to others, let us try, all of us, to practice tolerance.
I propose that this conference call upon the entire Jewish people to decide that the next decade will be a decade in search of an agreed code among the various currents; that during this decade politics will not impose resolutions in the spiritual realm. In other words, that during the next ten years all the political parties in Israel, and all the communities throughout the Jewish world, will focus their efforts on agreement and not on legislation.
This brings me to the second remark, an issue that affects all of us, even though it will be decided here: the need to change the electoral system. We must restore to our democracy the capability of making a clear choice on political issues; the ability to form both a functioning government and the-real alternative to it.
Democracy is not merely a system which ensures the freedom of speech. Democracy is a system which allows a majority of its citizens to make decisions. Decisions without freedom is dictatorship. But freedom without decision is immobility. In order to combine freedom of choice with the ability to decide, we must introduce an electoral system in which the people will be able to freely choose what they consider the best policy for the future; a system that will allow an effective government to make decisions, and a strong opposition to ensure that this government does not exceed the need to govern and does not succumb to the temptation to coerce.
It seems to me that a consensus is emerging in Israel on the question of electoral reform, to include direct election of the prime minister; and perhaps district and personal elections to the Knesset. I hope that when you come to the next conference you will no longer confuse government with opposition, and you will find that democracy can rule even within the realm of Jewish individualism.
We then have on our agenda the economic issue. The world is undergoing a dual process - the demilitarization of foreign relations, and the economization of national strategy. In effect, these are two sides of the same coin. We are living in an epoch in which economy is becoming increasingly global, and the world free market determines the fate of the national economy no less that the government of that country; an epoch in which science, and not quarries, are the real source of wealth; a period in which the intellectual and scientific level determine the affluence of a nation more than the size of its territory and the number of its people.
We must enter this changed world. We are part of it. We are participants in a time which suits the "Jewish dream" -a dream in which qualitative plenty compensates for quantitative lack. We have enjoyed the assistance of many nations, and especially of the U.S.A. But we must not and should not build the future of our economy on additional American aid.
We must begin to build our economic reality with greater seriousness regarding our future.
We must, first and foremost, devote greater priorities and more resources to the areas of science and technology to encourage science - intensive and high-tech industry.
We have to reduce government involvement in economic life and encourage citizens to greater economic initiatives; and, by the same token, to integrate Israel in the multi-national economic societies.
To increase our GNP, we must act in accordance with the rules of the free market. In distributing our wealth, we must act in accordance with the values of a just society.
We can be modern and varied - an Israel with kibbutzim and private enterprise; an Israel with moshavim and venture capital; an Israel with development towns and revitalized metropolitan areas; an Israel with universities and spiritual institutes, with "MIT"s and "Yavneh"s. A creative Israel which does not permit poverty and illiteracy. A universal Israel and an original Israel, that combines an ancient tradition with a modern challenge.
Here, too, I appeal to you: many of you can contribute to the strength and wellbeing of Israel in ways no less important than money. Contribute your experience, contribute your knowledge, your wisdom, to build the economic independence of Israel, as our soldiers assure her political independence.
Come as partners in the attempt to achieve economic sovereignty. For we are living in a time when economic sovereignty is the basis for political sovereignty. True, you may encounter difficulties and bureaucracy. This can be remedied. We have already corrected more serious faults. But you will also find a real thirst for knowledge, for modern management, for true reform and cooperation.
I am talking of an invitation composed of several programs:
The first: privatization. I am firmly committed to conduct an aggressive policy which will remove the government from industrial management and leave the initiative to entrepreneurs. In the capital market, we have already begun. In the area of commercial privatization we have also taken some important steps. But we need greater momentum, and I intend to accomplish this - and quickly. From this podium I invite you to enter into economic joint ventures in existing and new enterprises.
We must transform Israel into an economic springboard between Europe and the U.S. in preparation for the economic unification of Europe in 1992. We are affiliated with the Common Market on the one hand, and enjoy a free trade zone with the U.S. on the other. Now is the time to set up industries and economic headquarters on Israeli soil, which can act in both directions.
We are also contemplating the establishment of a free industrial area in the Negev. We propose the establishment of an industrial enclave that will provide the best economic environment and will be ruled by the most efficient economic processes. In this enclave we would like to set up branches of science-intensive industries, combined with multi-national companies capable of working freely in both markets - European and American.
Another program, derived from the previous one, is the sale of 100,000 dunams of Negev land, either in the enclave or adjacent to it, for the construction of industry and housing. The income obtained from the sale of land will be devoted to the development of the Negev, enabling us once again to combat the "intifada" of the wilderness, rather than the intifada of the neighboring people.
And finally - a special bonds issue for a fund to encourage the establishment of small- and medium-sized enterprises including venture capital, in the Negev and the Galilee, with emphasis on the development towns.
But I know that all the issues mentioned above are subordinate to the major, central issue: peace. The demilitarization of the Israeli-Arab conflict; the finding of a political solution to the Palestinian problem; the transformation of the Middle East from belligerency to prosperity.
No more war. More peace, No more confrontation. A historic compromise.
What sets the Jewish people apart - historically and morally - is our inner resolve not only to redeem the land, but to ingather our people. Territories cannot become Jewish without a solid Jewish majority, just as Jewish survival is in jeopardy without a strong Jewish land. We must bear both in mind: the people and the land; the land and the people. When we control all the territories, we must ask ourselves: Will the country remain Jewish? Will this bring masses of Jews from the diaspora? Because not only land but olim as well are part of our security. In looking at the land, let us never forget the people.
Israel must be an attractive country, as well as an awakening state; a land whose call lies not only in its beautiful landscape but also in its unique society, in its spirit; in the opportunity which it accords for the flourishing of the wonderful generation to grow up here.
We need the content and image of a state that will tell Jewish people in Leningrad and Teheran, in Johannesburg and Addis Ababa, in Rio de Janeiro and San Francisco to come here, to remember, to dream, to build anew.
We, as a people, were never tempted to rule over others. The moral ambition of the Jews has been to govern ourselves. Self-control has always been our most conquest.
We do not wish to rule over Arabs. We do not wish to rule over Palestinians. We do not wish to rule over other peoples.
Our scurity is defended by the IDF - with unprecedented strength. Our spirit is as permanent as the Jewish heritage; our freedom is in a commitment to democracy. Indeed, we wish to remain both a strong Jewish country and a completely democratic state. The desire to remain a Jewish state - requires a strong Jewish majority. The determination to maintain a coherent democracy - demands that we avoid rule over others.
I know deep in my heart that we shall not be able to achieve peace without a historic compromise involving a rearrangement of territories and boundaries, of governance and security.
We should not make concessions to terrorism. We should offer concessions for peace. Both sides must do so.
Let us make known that we are ready to negotiate with a joint Jordanian-Palestinian delegation, representing most of the Palestinians; or with a Palestinian delegation representing the Palestinians who reside in the territories, which seems today more realistic.
There was a time when we could have started from the Jordanian end; now we have to start from the Palestinian end.
We have to negotiate with the Palestinians as they are. They should select their representatives; we shall reject their guns. Their guns, not their rights to their own positions. We propose negotiations without threats, without violence, without coercion. All parties will be free to negotiate in free negotiations.
Then we may tell the Palestinians:
- That we do not wish to rule over them. That they shall govern themselves, as we shall govern ourselves.
- That they will govern in the densely populated Arab territories. - That they may decide on their relations with the Arab world.
- That they will conduct their lives through their own institutions, from legislation to health, from education to agriculture.
- That they may carry identification cards of their own.
- That there will be free access to all sacred sites between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean.
- That they will have the freedom, in the future, to choose between federation with Jordan, with Israel, or with both; and to do so in a state of economic cooperation and free movement, as in Benelux.
We shall tell them that we intend:
- To mark security borders. The areas between the Mediterranean and the Jordan will be demilitarized and ensured by Israeli security.
- Jerusalem shall remain united forever as the capital of Israel. - Existing settlements will not be dismantled.
- Freedom of movement will be guaranteed throughout the territory. - Free access to all holy sites will be guaranteed.
- Together we shall prevent every manifestation of violence, whether war or terrorist activities.
Yes, what we are proposing is that no one should rule over another, and no one should threaten another. That Palestinian self-expression should not emerge at the expense of Israeli security. We are proposing a morning from which henceforth all children, Jews and Arabs, will awaken without fear in their hearts, without being threatened in their cradles.
Yes, what we are proposing is to save the Middle East from poverty, whether caused by the shortcomings of the land or the shortcomings of human nature.
A Middle East in which there shall be only one campaign - the campaign against devastation, the campaign against poverty, the campaign against disease, the campaign against illiteracy.
A Middle East in which scientific competition will substitute for military confrontation. A Middle East in which computers will replace guns. The Arabs have no choice, and we have no choice. The Arabs have no time, and we have no time.
So let us set our agenda:
As a Jewish people, to keep our unity with patience and tolerance.
As a Jewish state, to improve our democratic institutions and processes.
As a Jewish society, to strive for economic independence through science and cooperation.
And to focus the Jewish destiny so as to bring peace out of strength to our immediate neighbors as well as to future generations.
The agenda is real, immediate and demanding.
The challenges are great. Yet, our joint strength as manifested in this gathering is equal to the task..
As we look forward with hope, optimism and confidence:
One thing should remain certain;
One thing should remain constant;
Our unqualified commitment to Jewish destiny,