Presenting his new government to the Knesset and seeking its approval, Mr. Shamir said that what Israel needed most at the time was national unity. He asserted that Israel would do its utmost to pursue peace, but that would come "only through direct dialogue." There will be no return to the 1967 lines and Jewish settlements, which "fulfill an important role in the realm of defense and in preventing the establishment of a PLO state in Eretz-Israel", will be expanded. He expressed Israel's regret over the U.S. decision to enter into a dialogue with the PLO. He called on the USSR to open its gates to Jewish immigration and re-establish diplomatic ties with Israel. The government had a comfortable majority of 85 and won a vote of confidence. Excerpts from the prime minister's statement follow:
On Thursday, 14.11.88, the president assigned me the task of forming a government, and today I have the honor of presenting it to the Knesset and requesting the Knesset's confidence. The government I will present to you today is a government of national unity, and in many respects it is a temporary need. The challenges facing Israel in the coming years require the cooperation of all the forces able and willing to lend a hand to the national mission.
The first 40 years of Israel's existence, which. we celebrated not long ago, have been rich in achievements: In security, in settlement and in creativity, but our ancient-new nation, which has returned to national independence, has taken only the first steps. Before us are the enormous tasks of bringing peace to our borders, of fortifying security, of immigration, settlement, education, industry, scientific development and many others.
When the president assigned me the task of forming a government, I knew that we could have established a government with a small majority in the Knesset, but all along I believed that we are obliged to make an effort to widen the base of the government. This is because, in spite of the not inconsiderable ideological differences between the two principle parties, I believe that there is more uniting us, based on the Zionist dream and the revival of Israel in its land, than dividing us. Shas and the NRP have decided to join the government and the coalition. In the next few days, the NRP will decide which ministers it will appoint.
The developments in the international arena and the challenges that we will face oblige us to overcome our differences in order to confront the problems together, and to overcome the obstacles and dangers that have been placed in our way. I am referring chiefly to the large-scale propaganda and diplomatic offensive being conducted now against Israel in the international diplomatic arena by the terrorist organizations and their friends and supporters, an offensive which is based on deception and on misleading. Its obvious objective is to gain international support for the establishment of a PLO-Palestinian state within Eretz Israel. In addition, we see special preparations being made to exert great pressure on us to cause us to make a complete withdrawal to the suffocating borders of 1967.
In order to stand firmly and effectively against these grave dangers, we must consolidate and unite all the political forces in the nation in order to form a coalition government of national unity which will repel the threats and frustrate the pressures. Not without difficulty have we succeeded in reaching an agreement to form such a government, with the participation of other factions. I hope that it will prove beneficial.
The process of the consolidation of our society into a nation is still going on, and there are still numerous grave dangers lurking for our state. We have not reached the point where every person and every ideological group can permit themselves not only to close themselves off in an ideological doctrine, but also to struggle for it at any price, and even at the expense of the general good. Pluralism of opinions and of schools of thought is one of the outstanding identifying marks of a free and active society, but in the special conditions of our existence, we must restrain ourselves in the application of principles, be considerate of our fellow man, and understand that concession and compromise among ourselves are vital for the supreme interest of the people and the state.
At the present chapter in our nation's history, we urgently need national unity, a united appearance on international platforms and national consensus on basic and existential matters. In addition, internal unity will help us greatly in fostering and strengthening the attachment of Jews still living in the Diaspora to the people of Israel and the land of Israel. The Jewish communities abroad yearn for the message reflecting national agreement on basic issues in Israel, and it is, our obligation to make every effort to consolidate this agreement and to unite around it world Jewry and Israel's friends, through clear talk in one voice.
What are the immediate challenges before us? In the diplomatic-security realm we must first of all work to advance the peace process. We are not doing this out of weakness, or out of fear of the pressures of time or the riots. We have extended a hand to our Arab neighbors at all times and in all ways, and we have proven more than once that whoever really wishes to live in peace with us, we will meet half way with the greatest energy and good will.
This government is united in its call to the Arab countries to go with us to the negotiating table in order to reach a respectable and lasting peace agreement. Nothing unites this entire nation, including all its strata and ethnic groups, more than the desire and yearning for peace, and there is no house in Israel that does not feel the pain of the tremendous human sacrifices paid by this nation in its struggle for peace and security.
We will therefore strive tirelessly, we will spare no effort, and we will lend an ear to every echo returning to us from beyond the borders of enmity, which bears a tiding of a willingness to coexist, to achieve mutual reconciliation, peace. The peace which we are striving for must be two-sided, and it can be realized only as a result of direct dialogue; it must explicitly express the Arab reconciliation with the existence of Israel as a state with equal standing and equal rights with all the countries of the region; it must enable Israel to ensure its security, and it must ensure the Arab residents of Eretz-lsrael the ability to conduct their affairs with as much freedom as possible, and in conditions of peaceful coexistence with their Jewish neighbors.
I address the Arab residents of Judea, Samaria and the Gaza District, and call upon them to listen to the voice of reason and common sense. We are ready and willing to create conditions of peaceful coexistence with you which will assure liberty and prosperity for you and your children. Those who have called upon you to take to the streets and use violent means will achieve nothing for you, except meaningless declarations and slogans. Do not pay heed to suggestions of inciters and men of violence who know only how to cause suffering and bereavement, and are not capable of treating and solving your problems. In the framework of negotiations with the neighbouring Arab states, it will be possible to do a great deal to realize practical plans for our common future in this country.
I call upon the king of Jordan to answer our call and to enter into negotiations with us immediately, together with representatives of the Arabs of Judea, Samaria and the Gaza District. The geographical, demographic, diplomatic and economic conditions in both our countries, and our common border, make necessary dialogue, a settlement and practical cooperation to the benefit of both nations. There is no justification for the continued rejection, estrangement and expressions of hostility toward the State of Israel. Peace between Jordan and Israel would strengthen the first level of the peace we made with Egypt, and bring prosperity and stability to the entire region.
Egypt was the first to reach a peace agreement with us. This fact imposes a measure of responsibility on both countries to continue the efforts to widen the scope of peace and apply it to the entire region. The Egyptian government is at a crossroads vis-a-vis this issue. It has the ability to strengthen the first bridge of peace between an Arab country and Israel, and to help expand it, so that other neighbors as well can cross it in order to reach a peace meeting.
There is only one way to achieve this goal, and it is through direct negotiations with Jordan with Jordan with the participation of Palestinian-Arab representatives who are not connected with the terrorist organizations, with the PLO and similar bodies. We hope that Egypt will respond to our appeal and will choose to join us.
In historic Eretz-1srael two states arose, one Jewish and the other Arab. The two states give full expression to the aspirations of both nations for independence and a homeland of their own. There is neither room for nor logic in a second Arab state within Eretz-Israel, and it will never be established. The way to a solution to the problem of the Arabs of Eretz-Israel lies in the Camp David Accords. We are committed to them, and we are convinced that they contain a framework for a just and appropriate solution. We call upon Egypt to fulfill in toto all the bilateral agreements with us that determine the framework of relations between the two countries in various domains.
The IDF, the security services, the Israel Police and all other security elements are courageously and devotedly guarding our country and fighting PLO terrorism and other manifestations of violence and disturbances. The government of Israel congratulates them and offers its encouragement.
There is a wide national consensus on the right of the Jews to live anywhere in Eretz-Israel. This does not contradict peace, not does it harm the peace process. The Jewish settlements in Judea, Samaria and the Gaza District fulfill an important role in the realm of defense and in preventing the establishment of a PLO state within Eretz-Israel. The very fact that they live in these places contributes to the security of the traffic axes and other places throughout the country. It is imperative that the IDF and the security elements guarantee their security and defense. We will assure the promotion and development of these settlements, and of the settlements in the Golan Heights, and we will expand settlement throughout Eretz-Israel.
Israel-U.S. relations naturally enjoy a pivotal position in Israel's foreign policy. The years of the outgoing administration, the Reagan Administration, were marked by unprecedented developments in the bilateral relationship between Israel and the U.S. New dimensions were added to the historic dimension of the commitment - on the basis of joint values and a common cultural and historical background - of a great power to a small country fighting for its existence. These included, first and foremost, strategic cooperation, accompanied by a constant broadening of the wide-ranging defense relations in all their various forms: procurement, research and development, and yet others, leading to our being recognized, for certain purposes, as a "major non-NATO ally." The economic aspect - the aid, the free trade area agreement, etc. - is also worth noting. For all this we are grateful to President Reagan, to Vice-President Bush, to former Secretary of State Haig and, of course, to Secretary of State George Shultz, who was the guiding force in the main part of these developments, and to their other colleagues.
We are convinced that these new, qualitative dimensions will be continued, and will develop more vigorously within the coming period, under President Bush's new administration. We convey our heartfelt congratulations to President-elect George Bush, to his vice-president, Dan Quayle, to Secretary of State-designate James Baker and to their associates, and wish them every success in steering the ship of the leader of the free world. Their success will be the success of all seekers of freedom and prosperity throughout the world.
It is true that in any relationship, occasional differences of opinion cannot be avoided; even in recent years we have not always seen eye-to-eye with the U.S. on certain issues, mainly those connected with the intricacies of the Israeli-Arab conflict.
It is regrettable that we were forced to strenuously disagree with the recent U.S. decision regarding a dialogue with the PLO which, as far as we see and know, has not changed its character or ways, its malicious covenant and the terrorism that it perpetrates. We know this from the statements of its central figures, and from its actions in the field, and the government of Israel, in accordance with its guidelines, will not negotiate with it. We still hope that the U.S. will reconsider its decision vis-a-vis the PLO. We have paid close attention to the statements made by administration spokesmen regarding their approach to the issue of terrorism; we hope that after due consideration, they will draw the necessary conclusions regarding the PLO.
For our part, we shall act so that Israel-U.S. relations continue to flourish in the future. The memorandum of agreement that both the president of the U.S. and I signed on Israel's 40th Independence Day reaffirms the close relations between the two countries, which are based on "shared goals, interests and values." I welcome the achievements in the domains of strategic and economic cooperation, and in defense aid. I should like to mention the desire of both sides to promote and institutionalize their relations. We must work hard so that this institutionalizing and these relations continue to develop further.
American Jewry, a faithful and vital ally, constitutes an important part of these relations. This covenant will continue, and will be fostered even more.
Recent years have seen positive developments in Israel's relations with the countries of Eastern Europe. The first signs - the establishment of interest sections in Poland and Hungary - have opened up new opportunities, extending beyond our traditional friendly relations with Romania. There are indications of starts with additional countries. The potential of these relations - in the realms of economics, tourism and others - is not insignificant. It would be possible to realize it, of course, in the political realm as well, if full diplomatic relations were established. It goes without saying that we attach primary importance to our relations with the Jewish communities in these countries, including cooperation in the religious and cultural domains, and in immigration to Israel.
It is only natural that we have a major interest in relations with the USSR and in developments in these relations, first and foremost in all matters relating to the Jewish community. As we know, for several months now there have been consular delegations in both countries; the USSR undoubtedly realizes that these relations cannot be a substitute for full and regular diplomatic relations. Recent events have proved that when one of these countries is going through a difficult time, appropriate cooperation can emerge. Mutual images resulting from decades of being cut off are likely to change.
In order for such changes to take place, it would be well for the USSR - which in recent years has made impressive strides in its foreign policy, as in its domestic policy - also to shed the anachronism of lack of diplomatic relations with Israel, without linking this to any external issues. The time is ripe.
As always, our heart goes out to our fellow Jews in the USSR, almost the only community among the multifold Soviet nationalities that is lacking a homeland within the USSR itself. For too many years, Soviet Jewry has been cut off from Jewish culture, from religious services and from anything related to a link with Judaism. this has left its mark in many domains. We urge the Soviet government to open its gates for immigration to Israel, and we hope that immigration will increase. At the same time, we appeal to the Soviet Union to allow Jewish education and the opening of religious and cultural institutions, as a continuation of the modest beginnings we have heard about, and the sooner the better. Such measures would make an inestimable impression on the free world.
The State of Israel was established and exists not only for those who live here, but for the entire Jewish nation. In our generation, the historical focus of our nation has returned to Eretz-Israel, and whatever happens here has an impact on members of the Jewish nation throughout the world. This revolutionary change imposes upon us a responsibility for the fate, well-being and security of all our brethren. At the same time, we must again remind our brethren in the Diaspora of the vision of the prophets of Israel, at the center of which was the ingathering of the exiles, a return to Zion, the building of the country and the realization of the prayer of many generations, "May our eyes witness your return in mercy to Zion."
We are one nation by right of our common and glorious heritage, and by right of our forefathers' devotion to the same prayer, in spite of the wandering, the victims and the persecution. If it is our fate to have the privilege of witnessing and participating in the wonderful process of the building of Israel and the ingathering of the exiles of Israel, it is our duty to summon our people, wherever they dwell, and to implore them to immigrate and settle in Israel, and to join us in the realization of the vision and the prayer of their fathers and ours.
Unfortunately, the problem of registering converts from abroad has remained on the government and public agenda for many years. As in previous years, this time, too, in the negotiations concerning the formation of the government, the request was made that solutions be found for all aspects of the problem of conversion according to Jewish law. As you may recall, during the previous government's term an effort was made to find an agreed-upon solution with the help of a ministerial committee, but this solution has not yet been ' found.
Unfortunately, false impressions have also been created during these weeks, which have caused worry among Diaspora Jewry. It goes without saying that there is no intention whatsoever of illegitimizing any Jew. In order to find a solution to the problem raised, the question of converts from abroad who immigrate to Israel must be attended to. It goes without saying that all of us, all parties and movements, are united in the self-evident aspiration to safeguard the unity of the Jewish people everywhere. The needs of the Jewish people justify and necessitate dialogue among all the factions, in an effort to ensure that every solution found be acceptable to all, or at least to most. I call upon all streams and elements in the Jewish community, in the Diaspora and primarily in the U.S., to make a special effort regarding this issue in the very near future. We believe that with good will it is possible to find a basis on which we can all unite. For our part, we will be glad to provide all the help necessary in order to bring people and attitudes closer together.