55 Statement in the Knesset by Prime Minister Shamir on the Peace Initiative- 17 May 1989

The Israel Government approved its peace initiative on 14.5.89, and I am hereby honored to present its main principles to the Knesset.

The initiative's importance lies first and foremost in the fact that Israel has offered its own proposal, which is intended to lead to a peace settlement with our neighbors, in addition to Egypt. No less important is the fact that we are presenting a united stand by the Israel Government's major blocs and the other movements that comprise it, concerning an issue that heads Israel's political aims: attaining peace while guaranteeing Israel's security.

The government is saying to the nation in Israel, to our neighbors - first and foremost to the Arabs of Eretz Israel -and to the countries of the world, that we are united in our aspiration for peace, we are united in proposing the channel for this, and we are of course united in recognition of the security requirements of Israel and its inhabitants.

With your permission, I will begin by presenting the main principles of the initiative, which concerns the peace process, an end to the state of war with the Arab countries, a solution for the Arabs of Judea, Samaria and the Gaza District, peace with Jordan, and a solution to the problem of the residents of the refugee camps in Judea, Samaria and the Gaza District.

The assumptions that lie at the foundation of the initiative are: The basis of national agreement, the aspiration to peace and a continuation of the political process through direct negotiations in accordance with the principles of Camp David; rejection of an additional Palestinian state and rejection of negotiations with the PLO; and a change in the status of Judea, Samaria and the Gaza District only in accordance with the government's basic guidelines.

In their treatment of the initiative, many in Israel and the rest of the world focused only on the subject of the proposal for elections in Judea, Samaria and the Gaza District for the selection of a representation for the Arab residents. This is an important part of it, but I must direct the Knesset's attention to the first three parts of the initiative:

Firstly, contrary to the claims of certain elements outside of Israel, the Camp David agreement, which is only 10 years old, has not been rendered obsolete. This is an agreement that is binding on Israel, Egypt and the U.S. If this agreement is to be considered invalid, why should we take seriously any future agreement that would be signed tomorrow and the day after would be claimed to be invalid? On the contrary: We call for the strengthening of the peace between Israel and Egypt, and for ongoing consultations between the two regarding a continuation of the peace process. It is unfortunate that Egypt did not agree to the proposal to hold a meeting between its president and myself on the recent 10th anniversary of the peace treaty. I hope that other opportunities will be found for this.

Secondly, the basis of the Israel-Arab conflict lies in the refusal of the Arab countries, except for Egypt since the signing of the peace treaty, to recognize Israel and to maintain peaceful relations with it. For example, each year we witness a futile Arab attempt in the U.N. to prevent recognition of Israel's credentials, the practical meaning of which is an attempt to expel Israel from the U.N. The cessation of these negative phenomena - as well as, for instance, an end to the Arab boycott - is an integral, necessary part of the peace process. All those who seek peace must lend a hand in persuading the Arab countries to change their ways and to put an end to the state of war with Israel.

Thirdly, a human issue of the first order, which only callousness and hard-heartedness can continue to oppose: Without any connection to the political issue and without running contrary to the continuing political process, the inhabitants of the refugee camps in Judea, Samaria and the Gaza District deserve rehabilitation and proper housing. Israel has acted, and is acting, for the good of many of them with its meager means. A proper and complete solution, however, requires international cooperation in order to obtain the necessary resources, and for this we are calling without delay for an international financial effort to solve this human problem.

These points, as stated in the initiative, deserve to be promoted, together with the other part of the political process.

I will now move on to that part of the initiative that concerns elections in Judea, Samaria and the Gaza District. The initiative speaks of two stages: A transition period involving an interim settlement for a five-year period, to be followed by a permanent settlement, with the two being linked by a timetable and the principles of the process.

I must note here that the claim is sometimes made that Israel or elements within Israel are not interested in negotiations on a permanent settlement. There is no greater lie than this. First of all, Israel - contrary to what is perhaps acceptable among many of our neighbors - always fulfills its international obligations. This commitment exists in the Camp David agreement, and of course the initiative repeats it.

The difference between the initiative and the Camp David agreement is that the initiative proposes elections before a detailed agreement on an interim settlement; the purpose of this is to find appropriate interlocutors among the Arabs of Judea, Samaria and the Gaza District, with whom we must live. Tasks are being proposed in the various stages for the representation that will be chosen in these elections: As a negotiating partner for the interim agreement, as an authority for self-government after that agreement is reached, and - if it is agreed upon - also as a participant in negotiations on a permanent solution.

The transition period mentioned in the initiative will last for five years. Any period shorter than this absolutely cannot constitute the test of co-existence and cooperation that we need, and there are those who say that it is even too short.

During this transition period, the Palestinian Arab residents of Judea, Samaria and the Gaza District will be granted self-government to administer their affairs, while Israel will continue to be responsible for security, foreign relations and everything which concerns Israeli citizens in Judea, Samaria and the Gaza District. Of course, the issues that are connected with the transition period will be clarified in the detailed negotiations on the interim agreement with the representation that is chosen, including major issues concerning infrastructure and the economy. Egypt and Jordan will be able to join the negotiations if they so desire.

In negotiations on a permanent solution, which Jordan must naturally join, each side will be able to raise for discussion any subject that it wishes, inter alia because during negotiations, a peace treaty will also be contracted with Jordan. The goal of these negotiations will be to attain a permanent solution that will be acceptable to all participants. Until it is attained, the interim agreement will remain in force.

It should be noted that there will be no violence in Judea, Samaria and Gaza during the period of preparation and execution. I shall return to this point later on.

After an examination of the various options raised, the proposal of regional elections seemed to be the most reasonable alternative. It is obvious that we must work out the details, and they include significant questions.

The elections will be free, democratic and secret, something which is not a common phenomenon in the Middle East, and is actually unprecedented, except in Israel. Anyone who submits his candidacy to run in these elections in accordance with the rules that will be specified and agreed upon, and is elected, will be able to be part of the aforementioned representation.

These are the main points of the initiative.

The initiative is a totality whose various components are tied to each other. Our neighbors, who are invited to join the proposed process - and we will not spare any effort to convince them to do so - must know that the components cannot be isolated from one another. The various moves and stages of the suggested course are logical, fair and binding.

Furthermore, whoever joins the initiative should know that he must be committed - to us and to general agreement -to this outline and all that it implies. Of course, it will be necessary to conduct negotiations on the various details both before the elections, in order to hold them, and with the chosen representation regarding the interim agreement, but from out standpoint the outline itself is clearly binding from start to finish.

What are the next steps which follow from the initiative? First of all, as it states, a dialogue is needed in order to reach agreement with the Arabs of Judea, Samaria and the Gaza District. Of course, the U.S. and other friendly countries that want to assist in the efforts at persuasion are invited to do so. Simultaneously, the details of proposals for various issues must be worked out, and all these issues, which are not simple, still require much internal work. We will also hear, at the same time, voices from our neighbors concerning their willingness to join the initiative.

Since this initiative was made public during my visit to the U.S. at the beginning of last month, and until now, voices of refusal and rejection -of the entire plan have reached us from the Arab side. We do no consider these voices the last word, since to the best of our knowledge this initiative includes fair, sincere and realistic proposals to settle the conflict between us and our neighbors.

Our neighbors face a dilemma: On what are they bent? The course of negotiations or a continuation of the violence? It will be our duty to do everything in order to prove to them that violence is not an alternative, and will only lead to disasters and destruction. The only path is the path of negotiations and peace. The PLO's announcement of rejection does not interest us; our. proposals are not directed at them. We know that they are not interested in peace. Our call is directed at our neighbors in Judea, Samaria and the Gaza District.

The U.S., its government, its legislative institutions and public opinion there received the plan with clear support. American Jewry and all of world Jewry stand united by our side. There have been displays of interest in different countries, and even numerous displays of support.

Negotiations on implementation of the initiative have not yet begun with any outside element. All of it remains food for thought and discussion in the international arena. It is still too early to determine whether this initiative will indeed become a reality. Consequently, it is too early to turn the issue into an internal war among us, and there is no justification for this. Such a superfluous war will please and encourage only our enemies.

We are all aware of the feelings of the general public in Israel during this time; it is interested, above all, in a war to the death against terrorism and violence, which find their expression on the roads, along the highways and even in the heart of the cities. This war, which is being conducted by the IDF, the Israel Police and the other security forces, is an integral part of our historic struggle for survival in this land, in a conflict that was imposed on us and which does not end. This war will continue and we will also succeed in it, because contrary to the supposed examples of other nations that are mentioned to us, we are in our homeland, we have no other land, and we will utterly defeat - without hesitation - those who seek to kill us; they will also defeat themselves by murdering each other. True, we face restrictions that do not apply to the perpetrators of violence and terrorism; we are a law-abiding country and a society with values which unfortunately do not have counterparts among our neighbors. But we will emerge victorious in this war, and it is our duty toward our people and our future to do so. We should not get caught up in passing phenomena; our strength is with us, and we are stronger than our enemies. We will undoubtedly win.

All constructive criticism is legitimate. I accept with love the harsh comments I have heard from different quarters. There is a difference, however, between fulfilling the daily national mission which includes, inter alia, a responsibility to our international relations near and far and as much cooperation as possible among the different parts of the nation, and a person who is exempt from all this allowing himself to take positions.

There is no doubt that we have embarked on a path which contains both risks and opportunities. We will have to prevent and put an end to the risks, which are primarily attempts by elements that will be involved in the elections to deviate from the agreed-upon mandate. We will obviously see to this.

Concerning the risks along the way, however, it should be added that relative to the Camp David Accords, this time the level of risks is lower, because today we have 80,000 Jewish settlers in Judea and Samaria - may they multiply -much more than we had during the period of Camp David.

This past week we celebrated the 41st anniversary of our renewed independence. In another two weeks we will celebrate the 22nd anniversary of the reunification of our sovereign capital, Jerusalem. We are all united by the persistent effort toward the advancement and prosperity of the State of Israel. From here, from Jerusalem the capital, we say to all of Israel's citizens and inhabitants that the Israel Government will do everything humanly possible to ensure security in every area of Eretz Israel with all the legal means at our disposal. We will, however, act untiringly to promote peace with our neighbors. There is no contradiction between these two. On the Contrary, they complement each other.

I will permit myself to quote - don't be surprised - Ya'akov Hazan, who several days ago received the Israel Prize for his special contribution to the state and society. He said at the awards ceremony - and I shall take this opportunity to wish him on his 90th anniversary, 'They shall still bring forth fruit in old age' - that:

'At the end of the Zionist Congress in [Eretz] Israel, Mr. [Menachem] Begin and I were assigned with concluding it. I ascended to the rostrum and stated that "We are united by a love for the Jewish people, and only on this basis are we capable of concluding it together." And now those with different - and sometimes even opposing - opinions are sitting here together, but a love for our people and concern for its future unites us all.'

I agree with every word of Ya'akov Hazan's comments.

I will add to this and mention what the Psalmist wrote: 'The Lord will give strength unto His people; the Lord will bless His people with peace. 'This is indeed the proper combination of our national objectives: strength and peace.

In conclusion, I will permit myself to return to the matter of unity - Jewish and national unity - which I consider one of the primary motives for the establishment of the government in this format and for the formulation of the initiative before us. Throughout the history of our people, we knew prosperity and success when united, and we knew misfortune and tragedy when divided. Our strength lies only in our standing united against our enemies and those who seek to kill us, who delude themselves into thinking that they will soon be standing at the gates of Jerusalem. The truth is that it is we who will stand at the gates of a unified Jerusalem, now and evermore with God's help, united and adhering to our goals.