75 Statement by Prime Minister Shamir to the Likud Central Committee- 5 July 1989

[...] The initiative includes two stages: a transition period of a five-year interim agreement, and then a permanent solution. The connection between them is the timetable and the principles of the process. The only difference between the initiative and the Camp David Accords is that the initiative proposes that elections take place before the detailed agreement on the interim settlement is reached. This [is being proposed in] an effort to find appropriate interlocutors from among the Arabs of Judea, Samaria and the Gaza District, with whom we must live. Clear functions are offered to the representation that will be chosen in these elections: to negotiate on the interim settlement, to constitute an authority for self-rule after the attainment of that settlement and, should there be agreement, to also participate in the negotiations on the permanent settlement. The transition period mentioned in the initiative is five years. In this transition period the Arab residents of Judea, Samaria and Gaza will be granted self-rule in the conduct of their affairs while Israel will continue to be responsible for defense, foreign affairs and everything concerning Israeli citizens in Judea, Samaria and the Gaza District. Also, in the detailed negotiations on the interim settlement, issues regarding the transition period will be clarified, including important matters of infrastructure and economy. Jordan and Egypt will be able to join these negotiations if they wish. In the negotiations on the permanent solution, which Jordan should naturally join, because the peace treaty with Jordan will also be signed there at the same time, each side will be able to bring up any subject it wishes to discuss. But the aim of the negotiations will be to attain a permanent solution that will be acceptable to all parties, and until it is attained, the interim agreement will be in force. Of course there will be dangers along the way, if and when the Arabs agree to cooperate with us in this path. It has already been said, and I will say it again: The same dangers existed when we were negotiating on the Camp David Accords. Now, as then, we have security measures and security valves against whoever tries to violate and distort the essentials of the initiative. The IDF and the security forces will be in the area, and they will be the guarantee that the negotiations for the implementation of the initiative will be conducted only along the path agreed upon by us. It is clear, therefore, that the initiative is not essentially different from the Camp David Accords. I wish to reiterate that the issue is the problem of the Arab residents of Judea, Samaria and Gaza, and therefore, we will not agree and will not allow any element that is not counted among the permanent Arab residents of Judea, Samaria and Gaza to be brought into this process, either directly or indirectly. Finally, central committee members, the goal of the initiative for which we convened today, and which we are discussing, is sublime and glorious. Its goal and objective is to bring peace to the people of Israel and to Eretz-Israel, and to all those who live with us and around us. The people of Israel, who see us today as the major and central force in the political arena, expect that we will bring the longed-for peace. Our nation well knows that the task is hot easy, because ensuring security takes precedence over everything else, and there is no peace without security. Nevertheless, national responsibility requires [that we attain] both peace and security. This is the task and the obligation. We must fulfill the task and obligation. There have not yet been negotiations with any outside element on the implementation of the initiative. The whole thing is still food for thought and discussion in the international arena. It is still too early to determine if this initiative will, in fact, become reality. Therefore, I say to all of us, all the citizens of Israel: It is too early, and there is no justification for turning the issue into a grave internal war. Such a superfluous internal war will only encourage our enemies and cause them to rejoice. [...]

We have all reached a joint and agreed-upon decision proposal. I want to read the text of the agreed-upon decision proposal. Clause number one: The central committee approves the prime minister's political statement in its meeting today, Wednesday, 5.7.89 and the principles it includes, as follows: The peace process will continue in accordance with the Camp David Accords and the Cabinet's peace initiative; East Jerusalem Arabs will not participate in elections; the terrorism and violence will be eliminated before negotiations with the Arabs begin; settlement in Judea, Samaria and Gaza will continue; there will be no foreign sovereignty in any part of Eretz Israel; no Palestinian state will be established in Eretz Israel; no negotiations will be conducted with the terrorist organizations, with the PLO. Finally, dear friends, allow me to express my thanks for the special effort made by Cabinet members, by many rank and file and central committee members, and by MKs, who felt from the depths of their souls that no real differences of opinion exist among us. Therefore, this unity, this heartfelt unity, must find its expression in an agreed-upon decision. Permit me to especially thank the vice party chairman.

Friends, in the heat of the enthusiasm, I omitted one clause. Clause number two of the decision: Likud representatives must act in the Cabinet and the Knesset in accordance with the principles included in the prime minister's statement, and in accordance with the Likud's platform.