Mr. Rabin explained in detail the nature of the Israel- U.S. understanding regarding the deportation of the Hamas activists. He expressed hope that the peace process would not fall victims to the terrorist organizations' determination to kill it. Excerpts:
Mr. Brinkley: Prime Minister Rabin in Jerusalem, thanks very much for coming in today. Pleased to have you.
Prime Minister Rabin: Thank you for having me.
Mr. Brinkley: Now, we look forward to the time Secretary - our new Secretary of State Warren Christopher - is coming to Jerusalem to talk to you, listen to you. What will you have to say to him? You have - do you have any news for him?
Prime Minister Rabin: Well, I believe that the purpose of the visit of the secretary of state to the region, not only to Israel, but also the Arab capitals of the countries that are engaged in the peace negotiations, is to create new realities that will facilitate the continuation of the peace negotiations. I believe this is the purpose and we will try our best to assist - to assist him in achieving this goal.
Mr. Brinkley: What are these "new realities?"
Prime Minister Rabin: Well, first, I believe that people have to understand - and it was stated at the beginning of the program related to me - I promised the people of Israel to try to achieve peace and security. For the Israeli people, there is no meaning for peace that doesn't give security to the State of Israel and to the individual Israelis in their daily life.
Therefore, on the one hand when I entered office as the prime minister of Israel, I made compromises that no prime minister of Israel in the past dared to make.
For example, I accepted the principle of withdrawal of the Israeli armed forces on the Golan Heights to secure the recognized boundaries for the sake of peace. I didn't enter into the negotiations about the dimension of the withdrawal without knowing what kind of peace we will get. I brought about changes in the order of national priorities. I prevented 7,000 housing units from being built in the territories, in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. I changed the order of priorities. I made more flexible proposals to the Palestinians. But on the other hand, I have to make clear that I cannot endanger the security of Israel - the security of its people ...
Mr. Will: Mr. Prime Minister, I gather that your position with regard to the deportees is that your action was taken precisely in fulfillment of your responsibility to look after the security of Israel. Can you tell us, you've now made a concession about the handling of the deportees, is that your final concession?
Prime Minister Rabin: Well, I believe I've reached an understanding with the United States that its policy was, is and will be against deportation, that first III bring in 100 and practically we offered 101. By the way, five who were hospitalized in March - in hospital in the security zone - just arrived in Israel, but it's only five not 0 the 101. And second, to cut by half the time for which they were removed temporarily. Deportation in the past was deportation for good. This time, we changed. It was a temporary removal of the leaders, the instigators, and the organizers of the Hamas organization and Islamic Jihad terrorist groups.
Mr. Will: The understanding here, Mr. Prime Minister, is that you made this a concession under intense pressure from the United States, with the United States saying that this issue could jeopardize its role and its policy of even-handedness between Israel and its Arab adversaries. Is that your understanding of what the American policy is or is to be under the Clinton administration? American evenhandedness between Israel and its adversaries?
Prime Minister Rabin: Well, I don't believe that I can say what will be the United State's policy. I can say what was the understanding. The understanding included two elements that in -essence mean that by the end of '93, all of them will be brought back. But allow me to say, I believe that what is at stake is a much more basic issue. To what extent one of the two sides, the Arab side or the Israeli side, can make the continuation of the peace negotiations conditional on one action or another. You know that ...
Mr. Donaldson: Excuse me, Sir. I wanted to continue the line of questioning about the understanding with Washington. Is it your understanding that in return for the concession you say you've made on bringing back the 100 deportees at the moment and the rest by the end of the year, that the United States will oppose any Arab effort in the United Nations to impose further sanctions on you and, in fact, will use its veto if necessary?
Prime Minister Rabin: I have reasons to believe that the United States will prevent any resolutions against Israel in the international forum. I will not elaborate beyond this. I believe this is the understanding, without going into detail. But the main purpose of what I have done by this understanding with the United States is to facilitate the continuation of the peace negotiations and allow me again to refer to a basic problem. I am against attempts in Israel that call upon me to stop the peace negotiations as long as terror and violence will be conducted against Israelis, Israeli soldiers, Israeli civilians will be assassinated, wounded, by the Islamic extremist terrorist groups. I said, "No, we'll negotiate peace as [if] there is no terror. Well cope with the terror as [if] there are no peace negotiations." If one will accept as a matter of principle that my act of removing temporarily over 400 leaders of the extreme Islamic terrorist organization whose purpose is not just to kill Israelis and Palestinians but to kill the peace negotiations .
Mr. Donaldson: But, Prime Minister --
Prime Minister Rabin: Not one of them got killed. Not one them was wounded.
Mr. Donaldson: There are some people who cannot understand why these deportees were not convicted of a crime, were not even charged with a crime, how they can be deported simply because you think it should be done. Is there no rule of law?
Prime Minister Rabin: It's the rule of law. It's in accordance with what we have inherited from the mother of democracies, Britain, the Emergency Regulations of 1945, that the British introduced and which have been kept by us, even modified, in a way that now, in contradiction to the past, we have to give them the chance to appeal. After all, it is a reversible act and can be changed by our laws, by rules- -of our advisory committees or by our Supreme Court. Therefore, we haven't done anything that cannot be reversed. The killings of the Israelis are not reversible.
Mr. Brinkley: Prime Minister, thank you very much for being with us today. Pleasure to have you.