Statement by H.E. Rabbi Michael Melchior
Deputy Minister of Foreign
Affairs of the
State of Israel
Before the 58th Session of the
UN Commission on Human Rights
Geneva, 19 March 2002
Mr. Chairman, Madame High Commissioner, Delegates, Ladies and
Gentlemen,
The year that has passed since I stood before you last defies
description. Words simply fail at any attempt to convey or
encapsulate the suffering and despair that have visited so many
people in the course of these twelve months.
But even in year of almost unmitigated disaster and tragedy, two
dates stand out in mind as being even more horrendous than the
rest.
The first, without any doubt, is September 11th. Still, six months
later, the worst terrorist attack in history raises profound and
bewildering questions for us all, and still the world is struggling
to formulate an effective response to the threat of international
terrorism.
In Israel we are grappling with these issues as we face an
unprecedented wave of terrorist attacks. Literally every day,
innocent children, women and men are being shot and blown up, in
discotheques, wedding halls, malls, buses, cafes and restaurants. We
hear the leaders who undertook to resolve all differences though
negotiation and not violence praising the heroism of the terrorists.
And, perhaps most chilling of all, we hear the parents of suicide
bombers, express the hope that their other children will follow
suit.
The second dark date, to my mind, is September 9 - just two days
before the World Trade Center Bombing - the closing session of the
Durban World Conference against Racism.
Last year I shared with you my fear that there would be an attempt to
hijack this Conference for political ends. And indeed, in an irony of
epic proportions, this Conference against Racism itself hosted the
most racist speeches and proposals to be heard in an international
forum since the second World War. While doing nothing to help the
millions of slaves, of impoverished and oppressed, this Conference
became the mouthpiece for a new and venal form of antisemitism.
Antisemitism, the hatred of Jews, is the oldest and most persistent
of hatreds but it has also proven to be the most adaptable. Like all
the most dangerous viruses, antisemitism adapts itself to new
surroundings and circumstances, clothing itself in a new garb in
every generation. In our generation, at the Durban Conference and in
organs and agencies throughout the international community, it has
taken on the form of political demonisation of an entire nation -
anti-Zionism. But, whatever its form, the basic truths about
antisemitism still hold: It goes far beyond hatred of Jews. And,
attacking the fundamentals of decency and humanity as it does, while
Jews may be the first to suffer from its influence, they have rarely
been the last.
September 11th and September 9th. Terrorism and antisemitism. Two
atrocities that are the very antithesis of human rights, and which
stand against the two most fundamental principles that my country and
my faith stand for.
The first is the sanctity of human life. The State of Israel was born
out of the ashes of the humanity's worst abuses, motivated by the
single most important idea the Hebrew Bible gave to mankind - that
every man women and child is a reflection of the divine image and so
is of infinite value.
Terrorism is the antithesis of this belief. It denies the sanctity of
human life and sees it as nothing but a means to a political or
ideological end. The lives and hopes and dreams of mothers and
fathers, the futures of their children, are nothing but fodder for a
campaign of fear and intimidation. Antisemitism, for its part, seeks
to destroy the recognition of the humanity in others - to
delegitimize, to dehumanize and ultimately to destroy.
And the second principle is that of tolerance - accepting other
people, races, traditions and ideas. Israel has welcomed immigrants
from every continent and of every color. We continue to strive for
full equality between the various components of Israeli society and
to see diversity as a source of richness and strength. We are proud
of the role played by civil society, and many NGO's in our society,
and recognize that their criticism is vital to safeguarding human
rights. It has the freest Arab Press anywhere in the Middle East. We
have, I would venture to say, more opinions than we have people.
Because, like every democracy, we believe that the truth lies not in
any one opinion, but in the dialectic of debate between them.
But in stark contrast to the notion of tolerance, we see the
poisonous marriage of fundamentalism and nationalism which fuels the
current international terrorism, which knows no respect for the
"other", and which as no vision other than total conquest and
destruction. And we see the new antisemitism spreading like a plague,
with attacks throughout Europe raising painful spectres of the last
century, while in our region newspapers publish the slanders of the
Protocols of the Elders of Zion, and Arab leaders brazenly reiterate
charges of deicide. Only this week, as Jews around the world prepare
celebrate the Passover holiday, official Arab newspapers have
published the age-old blood-libel that Jews use infant blood to make
the Passover matza, repeating a lie that across the generations led
to countless pogroms and loss of innocent life. How, against this
background, and against the background of hostility and hatred we see
in Palestinian schoolbooks and children's television, will the next
generation have any chance of even contemplating peace.
Both terrorism and antisemitism are profoundly and intrinsically
opposed to these fundamental principles of human rights. Both are
supported and financed by rogue states and regimes as a way to fight
their wars on the cheap. And with internet available to spread
falsehoods and hatred, to disseminate expertise on the art of mass
destruction, both present a lethal cocktail of primeval hatred and
21st century technology.
Mr. Chairman,
How are we to fight these twin evils? I believe that we have to
respond by reaffirming those values that terrorism and antisemitism
stand against. We have to reaffirm the value of every human life, and
recognize the profound and daunting truth that by letting others
suffer we ourselves become diminished. We have to maintain tolerance.
At those very moments of grief and anguish, when we are most driven
to hatred and generalizations we have to maintain our vision of the
humanity of the other. Because, even in the face of continued
attacks, we have to remember that our greatest asset is not our
military strength but the conviction that our actions accord with
justice and humanity.
These are the tenets of my faith, that led me from Norway to Israel,
from the rabbinate to politics. But, I must admit frankly, they are
being tested today in a way they have never been tested before.
We did not choose to be in this frightful situation. To the contrary,
the last Israeli Government, of which I was a member, made
far-reaching peace proposals which recognised that without secure
borders for the Palestinians there could be no secure borders for
Israel, without dignity for the Palestinian people there could be no
true dignity for Israelis, and without peace for the Palestinians,
there could be none for Israel. But, despite the support of the
international community for these proposals, the Palestinian
leadership rejected them, and responded with a wave of brutal
violence that has continued and escalated to this day.
This violence has created unprecedented challenges for anyone
concerned to maintain a semblance of humanity in the midst of the
conflict. Never has it been so hard to find the balance between
protecting the lives of innocent Israelis threatened by terrorism and
violence, and of innocent Palestinians living in those areas from
where these acts are emanating. Never has it been so hard to find a
way of ensuring security while easing the hardships of the
Palestinians living under our control. To weigh up the risks of a
terrorist attack today, against the risk of increasing the likelihood
of a terrorist attack tomorrow. And in the face of increasing
Palestinian incitement, and official support for violence, never has
it been so hard to maintain a vision of dialogue and tolerance
between Jews and Arabs. Never so hard to keep sight of the flickering
possibility of peace.
These are painful dilemmas with no simple answer. They are issues on
which Israel could benefit from shared experience and frank dialogue.
But tragically, those fora which might have offered such an
opportunity, are squandering it on political propaganda.
Could there be any forum more suited for Israel to engage in genuine
introspection and constructive discussion on these issues than the
Commission on Human Rights? And yet this forum has shown, again and
again, that concern for human rights is secondary to pandering to
political agendas.
How can we candidly discuss the appropriate measures Israel should
take in the face of Hizobllah attacks from Lebanon when,
notwithstanding Israel's withdrawal to the last centimeter from South
Lebanon in implementation of Security Council resolution 425, this
Commission utterly ignores the Hizbollah attacks against Israel from
Lebanese territory, and the plight of the Israelis kidnapped from
over the border?
How can we discuss sensitive and difficult relations with the
Palestinians when the Commission's Special Rapporteur to the
territories has an open-ended mandate, which does not even permit him
to consider Palestinian terrorism and human rights abuses, and which
pronounces a guilty verdict on Israel even in advance of his visit? A
Special Rapporteur who, in his latest report, vilifies Israel for its
security measures but describes Palestinian terrorists as displaying
"determination, daring and success"?
What possible basis is there for any genuine conversation between us,
when in shocking disregard of basic humanitarian principles of
impartiality, Israeli actions are treated under one agenda item when
the whole of the rest of the world is addressed under another? Could
there be any clearer statement of singling-out against a country?
Could there be anything more damaging to respect for human rights
than this failure to recognize that if are human rights agenda is
dictated by political considerations and not the needs of the
suffering, then we are engaged in politics not human rights, and that
if we are not concerned for the human rights of all human beings,
then we cannot claim to be truly concerned for the rights of any,
That this institutionalized discrimination damages Israel on the
political level is the least of my concerns. But I do feel cheated
and betrayed, that by destroying the trust between us, this
Commission has deprived Israel of the possibility of engaging in a
frank dialogue that could genuinely help advance human rights in our
region. And that it has deprived all of those victims of human rights
abuses, whose grievances will never be heard, because the
perpetrating states have managed to turn to the spotlight of
attention onto Israel and away from their own dark corners.
The failure of this Commission to address the gross abuses of human
rights in the Arab world is, it seems to me, a perverse form of
reverse discrimination - indeed a form of racism. The suggestion that
these are nations which do not need to be held to the same standards
of behaviour, and that the atrocities committed at their hands are
somehow less egregious, carries with it an implication that their
citizens are less human, less deserving of rights, which is
fundamentally opposed to the principle of a universal humanity on
which the Commission's work must be based.
These concerns have troubled Israel for many years, as we have
followed the work of the Commission. But today they have greater
urgency. At this very moment it seems that there may be an opening to
stop the carnage and bloodshed that has cost the Israeli and
Palestinian peoples so much innocent life. But such an opening needs
to be cultivated and trust built. It is a genuine tragedy that this
Commission, entrusted with the holy task of protecting human rights
and freedoms, should endanger them, by adopting a one-sided stance
dictated by political agenda.
Mr. Chairman,
Even as the darkest of forces visit our region, and there seems
little cause for hope, the greatest human gift is imagination; to
imagine how tomorrow could be different from today, and the lives of
our children different from our own. I urge this Commission also to
exercise its imagination, to consider how it too might be different,
what impact it might have if human rights were really at the top of
its agenda, if abuses truly were addressed impartially, and if it
generated the trust and credibility needed to spearhead the coalition
of all those who share the values it was established to protect.
For ultimately, just as terrorist and antisemites have learned to
cross divides, to build coalitions and pool resources for their ends,
so must we learn to do the same.
If the two dates I have mentioned gave me the greatest cause for
despair this past year, there was one date at least that gave me some
cause for encouragement and hope. On the 21st of January, two months
ago, I was privileged to help organize and participate in the first
ever Conference of Religious Leaders of the Holy Land, which took
place in Alexandria, and which produced the Alexandria
Declaration.
This brief document contains little or nothing that is new. Yet it
was produced by Moslem, Christian and Jewish leaders engaged in
genuine dialogue. Meeting at a time when a Palestinian suicide bomber
exploded in the heart of Jeruslaem, and Israeli tanks entered the
Palestinian town of Tulkarem, these leaders still found the courage
to publicly declare their faith that we have to respect the integrity
of each others' historical and religious inheritance, to call for an
end to incitement and hatred, and to urge the creation of an
atmosphere where present and future generations can coexist with
mutual respect and trust.
This remarkable encounter strengthened my conviction that things
could indeed be different. That hatreds, even thousands of years old,
may yet be overcome, and that our region, witness to so much blood,
may yet become one of milk and honey.
I urge you, the members of this Commission, along with our
neighbours, to join us in making it so.
Thank you.