THE ORDERS TO MURDER ARRIVE BY FAX FROM DAMASCUS
(Article by Ronni Shaked, "Yediot Ahronot", Nov 18, 1994, p. B6)
ISLAMIC JIHAD HAS APPROXIMATELY 30 SUICIDE ATTACKERS AT ITS DISPOSAL 20 IN THE GAZA STRIP AND ANOTHER 10 ON THE WEST BANK. THEY RECEIVE THEIR ORDERS FROM A SECRET COUNCIL WHICH IS IN CONTINUOUS CONTACT WITH THE ORGANIZATION'S COMMANDER IN DAMASCUS, DR. FATHI SHAKAKI. UNLIKE HAMAS, ISLAMIC JIHAD IS A MILITARY ORGANIZATION ONLY, FREE OF POLITICAL PRETENSIONS.
The name of Dr. Fathi Shakaki, a pediatrician from Rafiah who resides in Damascus, appears prominently in the Israeli intelligence lists regarding Islamic fundamentalist terrorism. Just as Rabin spoke about a war of destruction and the elimination of the leaders of Islamic terrorism, he apparently also means the 'Doctor' from Damascus the founder, ideologue, political leader, and military commander of Islamic Jihad in the territories.
In the course of a day, the fax at his home spews out letters from Gaza, the West Bank, or eastern Jerusalem. Some of them are reports on security incidents.
From his Damascus home and headquarters, Dr. Shakaki manages to operate the Jihad organization in the territories by remote control. He is the one who issues the orders to carry out attacks and murders. The orders that come from his desk go to Islamic Jihad's secondary headquarters in Britain, Germany, Cyprus, and the United States. From there via fax, telephone, or courier these orders reach the 'Shura Council', a secret, ten-member body which is responsible for Islamic Jihad's military apparatus. From it, orders go out to the Jihad murderers in Khan Yunis, Sheikh Radwan, and the Jelazoun refugee camp.
It was in this way, apparently, that the order reached Khan Yunis ten days ago, for the 'al-Kassam' gangs Islamic Jihad's military arm to carry out an attack in revenge for the elimination of Hani Abed, who had been one of the Jihad's senior officials in Gaza.
The word 'al-Kassam' is an acronym for 'forces of the Islamic Jihad' (kuwa Islamiya Mujahidah) and also has its own meaning: 'the oath'.
'Al-Kassam' is a murder apparatus, comparable to HAMAS' Iz a-Din el-Kassam battalions. In the Gaza Strip, 'al-Kassam' numbers no more than 20 people, perhaps less. Approximately 10 other 'al-Kassam' fugitives are circulating on the West Bank. Those who belong to this group are devout youth, enthusiastic, brutal, fanatics. Most, if not all, of them are ready to follow the path of Hisham Hammed, who was the human bomb at Netzarim Junction, killing the officers Captains Hazi Sapir and Dror Elad, and Lt. Yotam Rahat.
The head of the organization, Dr. Shakaki, was born in Rafiah. In his youth, he was a member of Islamic Brotherhood movement. He studied mathematics at Bir Zeit University. In 1974, he began to study medicine at El-Zakzik University in Egypt. There, under the influence of Egyptian fundamentalists, he began to develop his ideas for the Palestinian Islamic Jihad.
After completing his studies, he began to work as a pediatrician at a hospital in eastern Jerusalem. Simultaneously, he engaged in mobilizing underground cells for his new organization. The Khomeinist revolution in Iran gave impetus to his organization. Under its influence, he wrote his book Khomeini The Islamic Alternative and Solution, which became a hit among the youth in the territories.
The Islamic Jihad organization's guiding ideology is simply formulated: 'Our clear and strategic goal is the mobilization of the Muslim public on our occupied soil and its direction towards a war of jihad against the thieving Zionist entity. The armed struggle is the only way to defeat the Jewish entity on the soil of Palestine.'
In August 1988, Dr. Shakaki was expelled to Lebanon. Since then, he has dedicated his time and energy to nurturing his organization mainly with the generous financial and logistical assistance of Iran and the clerics of Hizballah.
Only a few of the fugitives, members of 'al-Kassam', are known to the security forces. On the list of West Bank fugitives found in the pocket of every soldier who serves in the territories there are none from the Jihad. 'This does not mean that there are no fugitives and no Jihad operations. Even while we are talking, Islamic Jihad could carry out an attack,' an officer serving in Judea and Samaria told me.
When Israel evacuated Gaza, it left behind an inheritance of approximately 20 Jihad fugitives. The security establishment estimates that the list has not changed very much since then. This list, like the list of HAMAS fugitives, was given to the Palestinian GSS. Until the attack at Netzarim, Arafat's people had not made any effort to fight 'al-Kassam'. At the beginning of the week, Arafat ordered the arrest of Jihad personnel. Too quickly, it has since become clear, because most, if not all, of the detainees are Jihad political activists, not members of the murder gangs. It seems that the Palestinian GSS as well, is finding it difficult to arrest members of its military arm.
The GSS intelligence arm in the Gaza Strip was limited after the withdrawal. There are difficulties in gathering timely intelligence. And if there is intelligence, it is hard to translate it into action. When the intelligence has been given to the Palestinians, they, for the most part, have not bothered to use it to make arrests. For example, it is still not at all clear if the Palestinian Authority has in fact arrested the Sheikh Abdallah Shami, one of the Jihad's spokesmen who, apparently, does not belong to the Jihad's military apparatus, but who heads the logistical network of collaborators who deal with hideouts, money, vehicles, and weapons for the 'al-Kassam' apparatus. This week, even Shimon Peres said that the IDF will act inside Gaza if there is no choice.
Given the restrictions presented by Gaza, the IDF is trying all possible methods. For example, at the Kfar Darom Junction checkpoint inside Gush Katif, on the road linking Gaza and Khan Yunis on October 7, Rami Barbah, a resident of Khan Yunis and member of the Democratic Front organization, who murdered Yossi Zindi at Moshav Bnei Ayash on March 31, 1994, was captured. Khan Yunis is one of Islamic Jihad's strongholds, and its activists apparently must also reach Gaza City.
Islamic Jihad, unlike HAMAS, has no pretensions of proposing an idealistic socio-economic platform, and does not seek to become either a mass movement or a political movement. The Jihad is, first and foremost, a military organization. Even so, it also has ideological leaders; Jihad people control approximately two dozen mosques in the Gaza Strip. Through the sheikhs and imams of these mosques, the movement carries out 'hadawa' religious preaching to give religious inspiration for the Jihad's activities.
Said Cana'an head of the Palestinian Research Center in Nablus, which edits a monthly public opinion survey says that, 'The support for the Islamic Jihad movement in the territories is minimal. On the West Bank, it does not pass 3%, and in Gaza, it is 5% at most.'
The peace process with the Palestinians suffered a tough blow over the last few days, not just as a result of the attack in Netzarim, but also because of HAMAS' joining the ruling institutions in the Autonomy areas. Arafat, who always avoided reaching an understanding with HAMAS, was happy to award them positions in the Authority. In the meantime, Sheikh Hamed Bitawi, head of the Council of Palestine Religious Leaders, the group which is supposed to grant religious legitimacy to HAMAS actions, was appointed Vice-President of the sharia courts in the West Bank.
This week, it became known that Arafat intends to appoint several more HAMAS members to positions in the Palestinian Authority among the candidates slated to receive positions are several fugitives, including Abd Rabu Abu Husa from the gang which murdered soldiers Avi Sassportas and Ilan Sa'adon. 'There is going to be a problem here. We will need to confront them,' security establishment officials are saying.