ATTACKS VS. CONCESSIONS
(Analysis by Danny Rubinstein, 'Ha'aretz', 21.02.94, p. B1)
TODAY, MANY PALESTINIANS SEE ATTACKS ON ISRAELI SETTLERS AND SECURITY
PERSONNEL IN THE TERRITORIES AS NECESSARY IN LIGHT OF THE WEAKNESS
DEMONSTRATED BY THEIR LEADERSHIP.
The latest attacks by Hamas, especially the murder of GSS agent Noam
Cohen, have been well-received in the territories. In east Jerusalem, it
was possible to hear people saying that in all the years of vigorous
activity by the PLO, there has not been such a daring and sophisticated
operation as the one carried out by the Hamas' Iz a-Din al Kassam
terrorist squad last week in Ramallah.
From these reactions, it is possible to get the impression that the
latest Hamas attacks are, perhaps, more popular among the residents of
the territories than attacks in the past have been.
Many compare these attacks to the concessions (degrading, in their
opinion) made by Yasser Arafat in the Cairo Agreement, and say that this
is the only way. Last weekend, I was at one of the IDF's roadblocks in
the El-Ram neighborhood in east Jerusalem when the soldiers stopped an
Arab taxi and and made a prolonged search. After about an hour, when the
soldiers allowed the driver to continue on his way, I heard him say to
his passengers that only Hamas knows how to deal with them [the
soldiers].
At a meeting of students at Bir Zeit University, one student explained
that the Hamas attacks are sending a clear political message; the
organized operations of the Iz a-Din al Kassam squads are being
conducted only in the West Bank and Gaza, and only against settlers,
soldiers, and security personnel. According to him, the murders and
attacks that took place inside Israel were contrary to Hamas' position
and were carried out by individuals. His friends added that attacks on
Israelis in the West Bank and Gaza are more dangerous than attacks
inside the Green Line, because every Israeli in the territories is
primed, cautious and armed.
Today, Hamas's attacks are winning support in the territories against
the background of the slogan coined by Dr. Khaider Abd A-Shafi, which he
has lately been reiterating daily, that peace and settlers do not mix.
This slogan is accepted today by the Palestinians in the territories
more than any other political slogan. In one form or another, it is
being voiced by Arafat's supporters and opponents alike.
Even the activists of the People's Party (formerly the Communists), who
were among the most enthusiastic supporters of the peace process in the
past two years, believe that, on several issues, and especially in
relation to the settlements, the leadership headed by Arafat has made
several far-reaching concessions that the Palestinian public does not
accept; therefore, they is pleased with the attacks. Palestinian
delegation member Rassan al-Khatib says, 'I supported the Oslo
Agreement, which postpones the negotiations over the settlements and
leaves them on the ground for the time being, but it is possible that I
made a mistake. Today, this seems like an impractical arrangement.'
His colleague in the Party leadership, Taisar al-Arouri (who was
expelled from Israel and now lives in Amman and is active in Tunis)
wrote an article last week in 'Al-Quds' in which he said that as a
result of the PLO's agreement to the settlements in the Gaza Strip being
organized into blocs (and not as isolated settlements), the overall
territory of the Gaza settlements grew by an estimated 300%.
In his opinion, this was a severe error on the Palestinians' part. The
precedent of leaving all of the settlements in Gaza will now aid the
claim of the Israelis who are demanding to apply a similar arrangement
in the West Bank as well. 'There is no doubt,' Arouri writes, 'that in
spite of dozens of international decisions and declarations which have
determined that Israeli settlement in the territories is illegal, the
Palestinians have now granted indirect legitimacy to the settlements'
existence, and even to their expansion.'
The impression is, therefore, that attacks on Israeli settlers and
security personnel in the West Bank and Gaza are seen today by the solid
majority of Palestinians as desirable and necessary in light of the
political weakness of their leadership, which has not made any serious
attempt to remove even the isolated Israeli families at Netzarim in the
Gaza City suburbs. This fact is liable to make things very difficult for
the Palestinian self-governing authority which is supposed to be
established soon in Gaza and Jericho. It is difficult to see how this
authority will be capable of implementing the Agreement and preserving
security in the territories, in the face of a broad and unified
Palestinian public opinion, which sees the removal of the settlers and
the IDF as almost the sole significant aspect of any peace arrangement
with Israel.