HAMAS- FROM KINDERGARTENS TO SUICIDE ATTACKS - 28-Feb-96

(Commentary by Brig.-Gen. (Res) David Agmon, "Ma'ariv", 28.02.96, p.11)

HAMAS WAS ESTABLISHED IN 1987 BY SHEIKH YASSIN AS THE "PALESTINIAN WING OF THE MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD;" IT VIEWS JIHAD AS ITS TOP PRIORITY, AS AN IMMEDIATE HOLY WAR TO LIBERATE PALESTINE.

There has been much talk in recent days about HAMAS, as a Palestinian Islamic, extremist organization, responsible for terrorist attacks such as the two serious attacks early this week. There has also been much talk regarding the need to confront HAMAS, together with the Palestinian Authority, in an attempt to destroy both the organization and its terrorist activity. Who is HAMAS? When and how was it created? What are its goals? Who are its leaders? And what are the characteristics of its activities?

HAMAS in Arabic means courage. The organization's name is an acronym for "Islamic opposition movement." It originated with the "Muslim Brotherhood" in Egypt, and was established in 1987 at the initiative, and under the leadership, of Sheikh Ahmed Yassin shortly before the intifada erupted. In the HAMAS covenant, published in late 1988, HAMAS defined itself as "the Palestinian branch of the Muslim Brotherhood."

HAMAS' central philosophy is based upon the ideology of the Muslim Brotherhood, but with one important difference the Muslim Brotherhood views the jihad as a commandment of principles which can only be realized once Muslim believers are "purified" and Islamic law reigns over the entire Arab world. On the other hand, HAMAS has made the jihad its top priority, as a contemporary and immediate holy war to liberate the Palestinian people and the Land of Palestine from "the foreign, heretical Israeli occupier." Therefore, HAMAS belief strongly negates the entire political process, as well as recognition of the State of Israel and its right to exist.

Most of HAMAS' work focuses on entrenching its hold on the Palestinian population. The organization has established charitable funds to assist the needy, schools and colleges, and clinics and hospitals that provide free services to families in distress. HAMAS' communal activities encompass all areas of life, while promoting both a "return to the faith" and a life according to Islamic values. HAMAS' education process begins in kindergarten, continuing through elementary and high schools. HAMAS recruits and trains its members from among the youth movements, and has strong support among university and college students. HAMAS leaders and clerics use their mosques not only to transmit religious values, but also to incite and encourage opposition to the occupation conquest and support for the paramilitary organizations.

Alongside its "positive" public activity, HAMAS operates a security apparatus which functions as the organization's emissary in three main areas. One body is supposed to collect intelligence among the Palestinian population about those suspected of collaboration, and to either investigate and punish them or "bring them back to the fold of Islam and purify by using them to gather intelligence or to commit acts of terrorism." A second body is supposed to "clean house," vis-a-vis immoral phenomena which violates Islamic law such as drugs, prostitution and profiteering. The third apparatus, the Iz a-Din al-Kassam squads is responsible for most of the bombings and murders. This is the mechanism which compliments the policies of the opposition.

The connection between HAMAS's military and political arms is secret and compartmentalized. The separation between the arms was enhanced after the wave of detentions at the end of 1989, within whose framework Sheikh Ahmed Yassin and approximately 200 prominent HAMAS members were arrested. Even so, the main leaders have full control over both political and military operations. After the detention of Sheikh Yassin and the expulsion of other leaders, the leadership moved its base abroad, mainly to the United States.

Among the prominent leaders, is first and foremost, HAMAS founder, Sheikh Ahmed Yassin, who defined the organization's political, social, and spiritual values while also addressing the military aspect, through operating terrorist squads, giving approval for assassinations and murders, recruiting activists and raising funds, and procuring weapons and smuggling them into the territories. Even today, from his prison cell, the blind and ailing sheikh continues to control the movement with a high hand, issuing orders and instructions.

It was Sheikh Yassin's replacement, Musa Abu Marzook, who rehabilitated HAMAS after Yassin's detention and created the compartmentalization and the secret connection between the various branches, via the organization's leadership in the United States. Abu Marzook thus facilitated the resumption of increased terrorist activities. Today, Abu Marzook is under arrest in the United States for crimes that he committed there, and is awaiting a decision on Israel's request for his extradition.

Other prominent political leaders are Mahmoud a-Zahar, who serves as the organization's spokesman in the Gaza Strip; Dr. Abd al-Aziz Rantisi, who a prominent leader among the 400 HAMAS members who were expelled to Lebanon; Imad Falouji, editor of the HAMAS journal in Gaza, and; Jamil Khamami, the movement's spiritual leader in eastern Jerusalem.

But the names that are now more interesting to the Israeli public, are those of the military operatives who are less well-known and often replaced if they are exposed and arrested, killed by the security forces

(like Yihye Ayash), or promoted within the leadership to spiritual and political leaders.

Prominent among the murderers are: Muhammad Diff, who was actively involved in the kidnapping and murder of the late Nahshon Wachsman, and whose name has been repeatedly mentioned of late as one of the prominent HAMAS members whom Israel is demanding that the Palestinian Authority arrest; Muhi a-Din Sharif from Jerusalem, who was responsible for the bus attacks in Ramat Gan and Ramot Eshkol, and; Abdul Fatah Satari, a Gaza resident involved in attacks. In addition, the names of military activists abroad, such as Ibrahim Aousha and Sa'ad a-Din al-Alami, who were expelled from Jordan and have operated in Syria, Sudan, and Iran are known. Today, Al-Alami is now in the United States.

It is no wonder that the Palestinian Authority and its security officials are finding it difficult to initiate an open conflict with HAMAS and its organizations, something they also fear. The Palestinian population's support for the organization is not insignificant. HAMAS has succeeded in bringing many thousands of people into the streets, and in organizing massive demonstrations of support.